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Confederate Operations 
In Canada and New York 



BY 



JOHN W. HEADLEY 



Illustrated by Portraits 






NEW YORK AND WASHINGTON 

THE NEALE PUBLISHING COMPANY 
1906 



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LIBRARY of CONGRESS 

TwoOoDies Recelvwl 

MAY 8 19©6 

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COPYRIGHT, 1906, BY 
THE NEALE PUBLISHING COMPANY 



CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS IN 
CANADA AND NEW YORK 





John W. Headley 
1900 




TO THE MEMORY 

OF THE 

Defenseless non-combatant people of the 
South who suffered the untold horrors of 

MERCILESS warfare — DESOLATION, DESTITUTION, 

imprisonment or death ; of the persecuted 

PEOPLE OF THE NoRTH WHOSE SENSE OF JUSTICE 
AND HUMANITY REVOLTED AT A CRUSADE FOR THE 

CAUSE OF John Brown, and of Horace Greeley, 
Gerrit Smith and Cornelius Vanderbilt, 

THIS VOLUME IS REVERENTLY DEDICATED BY THE 
AUTHOR. 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



Facing Page. 

John W. Headley, 1900 Frontispiece 

Major-General John H. Morgan, 1864 I94 

Thomas H. Hines, 1864 218 

John B. Castleman, 1864 - 220 

Jacob Thompson, 1864 222 

John Yates Beall, 1864 242 

Bennett H. Yonng, 1864 256 

Clement Claiborne Clay, 1867 258 

Robert M. Martin, 1866 274 

John W. Headley, 1865 276 

Young Confederate widow who was a messenger for the St. Albans 
Raiders in getting the proper papers from the Confederate 
Government 376 

Rev. Stephen F. Cameron 378 

Charles C. Hemming, 1902 , 456 

Capt. Thomas H. Hines, 1884 458 

Col. Bennett H. Young, 1906 460 

John B. Castleman, 1898 462 



CONTENTS 



Chapter I 

Election of Abraham Lincoln precipitates secession — Southern Con- 
federacy organized. Jefferson Davis chosen President — Mr. 
Lincoln inaugurated — Attempt to reinforce Fort Sumter — Fall 
of Fort Sumter — Beginning of the war — Situation in Missouri, 
Maryland, and Kentucky — President Lincoln declares martial 
law 19 

Chapter II 

Battle of Bull Run — Armies invade Kentucky — Author enlists — Mili- 
tary operations in Kentucky 28 

Chapter III 

Battle and surrender of Fort Donelson — Grant absent during the 
battle — Forrest refuses to surrender and escapes and is followed 
by over half his regiment 35 

Chapter IV 

Evacuation of Tennessee by Confederates — Battle of Shiloh — Cam- 
paign in Virginia — Buell in North Alabama — Bragg at Chatta- 
nooga — Forrest and Morgan in Buell's rear — Bragg and Kirby 
Smith invade Kentucky 44 

Chapter V 

Battle of Perryville — Bragg and Smith evacuate Kentucky 55 

Chapter VI 

Breckinridge at Murfrcesboro — Forrest at Franklin — Johnson and 
Martin in western Kentucky — ^John W. Foster levies on citizens 
to reimburse Union men Gi 

Chapter VII 

Bragg's army at Murfreesboro — Secret service for General Bragg — 
Purchases at Lafayette, Kentucky — Surprise, flight, and narrow 
escape — Battle at Murfreesboro — Discontent in the army and 
feeling against General Bragg — Col. R. C. Tyler wounded — 
Death of Tyler — Bragg and his generals 68 



X CONTENTS 

Chapter VIII 

Situation changed in "neutral zone" — Secret negotiations with the 
Federal commander at Clarksville — Surprised at Mrs. Batson's 
— Capture and escape — Another narrow escape — Escape of 
Bowers from prison at Clarksville 76 

Chapter IX 

Captured at Louisa Furnace — Capture of officers of Lee's army — 
Escape from prison and captivity in Nashville — Notes on 
Rosecrans's army — Departure from Nashville on a pass — 
Escape of other prisoners 84 

Chapter X 

Situation after return from captivity — Forrest at Palmyra — Wheeler 
at Fort Donelson — Plain talk of Forrest to Wheeler — Report 
to Forrest and Bragg of Rosecrans's army — Van Dorn over 
Forrest and others, on the left, and Wheeler over Morgan 
and others, on the right of Bragg's army — Morgan's raid to 
Kentucky in December, 1862 — Infantry armies being exhausted 
in drawn battles and in camp — Spirit of vengeance — Colonel 
Streight marches out from Palmyra and encamps on Yellow 
Creek g6 

Chapter XI 

Famous raid of Col. Abel D. Streight through Alabama to Georgia — 
Famous pursuit and capture by Gen. N. B. Forrest — Ovation 
to Forrest at Rome, Georgia — Federal prisoners attest the 
kindness of Forrest 106 

Chapter XII 

Conduct of the invaders — Devastation of the country in Tennessee, 
Alabama, and Mississippi — Cruelty to non-combatant sympa- 
thizers with the South 1 13 

Chapter XIII 

Organization to raid western Kentucky and recruit a regiment — 

Fight and defeat at Dixon — Return to Tennessee 122 

Chapter XIV 

Bragg's retreat from Shelbyville to Chattanooga — Wheeler's fight 
and escape at Shelbyville — Morgan starts on Ohio raid — Federal 
commanders lose Morgan in Kentucky, except those on his trail 
— Morgan crosses into Indiana, passes near Cincinnati — Morgan 
surrenders, and with his officers is confined in Ohio Peniten- 
tiary 131 



CONTENTS XI 

Chapter XV 

Col. Robert M. Martin — Record in Morgan's cavalry — Morgan's men 
under Martin open and close battle of Chickamauga — Forrest 
loses his division 139 

Chapter XVI 

Martin's expedition to Kentucky — Exciting adventures — Skirmish 
with an old friend — Surprised and routed near Greenville — 
Loss of horses and equipments — Rendezvous in Henry County, 
Tennessee — Expedition on foot to Golden Pond — Recapture 
of horses, and home-guards paroled 146 

Chapter XVII 

Journey to Kentucky, then around Nashville and into Alabama — 
Narrow escapes — Luxurious homes of an Alabama valley — 
Johnston succeeds Bragg 161 

Chapter XVIII 

Mission for General Morgan to vicinity of Nashville — Miss Mary 
Overall secures information in Nashville — Death of Dee Jobe — 
Wounded Union soldier dies and is buried, by enemies, in 
family graveyard — Safe arrival at Rome, Georgia 168 

Chapter XIX 

Raid of Kilpatrick and Dahlgren to capture Richmond, release 
Federal prisoners, pillage and burn the city, and kill President 
Davis and his Cabinet — Vengeful views of the Confederate 
soldiers at this .period over the devastation of their country 175 

Chapter XX 

Morgan at Abingdon — General Jenkins wounded and his command 
routed — Martin leads a charge — Morgan defeats enemy near 
Wytheville — His last raid to Kentucky — Captures garrison at 
Mt. Sterling — Martin's command surprised by Burbridge — 
Defense and escape with severe loss — Fight and capture of 
garrison at Cynthiana — Morgan defeated by Burbridge — 
Escape to Virginia 186 

Chapter XXI 

Morgan re-establishes headquarters at Abingdon — Reorganizing his 
command — Officers recuperate — Richmond authorities aroused 
against Morgan — Skirmish of Major Cantrill with scouts — 
Detached by Secretary of War 201 



XII CONTENTS 

Chapter XXII 

Departure for Canada — Death of General Morgan — Forrest in Mis- 
sissippi — Journey from Corinth to Toronto 211 



Chapter XXIII 

Capt. Thomas H. Hines — Purposes of mission to Canada — Col. Jacob 
Thompson's mission — Coalition with leaders of Sons of Liberty 
— Concentration at Democratic National Convention in Chicago 
— Fruitless endeavor to release Confederate prisoners at Camp 
Douglas and Springfield 217 

Chapter XXIV 

Plan for capture of gunboat Michigan on Lake Erie and release of 
prisoners on Johnson's Island — Captain Cole and Acting Master 
Beall undertake the adventure — Lieutenant Young sent with 
funds to Buffalo — Cole, at the moment of success, is betrayed 
and arrested and imprisoned at Sandusky City — Thompson and 
Clay to the rescue — Cole finally recognized as prisoner of war....23i 

Chapter XXV 

Capt. John Yates Beall — His home in Virginia — Early career in the 
Confederacy with Bennett G. Burley — Capture of steamer 
Philo Parsons on Lake Erie — Capture of Island Queen — 
Attempt to release prisoners on Johnson's Island — Mutiny of 
men when signals failed to appear — Compelled to return and 
destroy vessels — Men disperse in Canada — Arrest of Burley — 
Confederate steamer Gcorgiana on Lake Erie 241 

Chapter XXVI 

Lieutenant Young's raid upon St. Albans, Vermont — Retreat and 
pursuit — Capture by Americans in Canada — Rescued by a 
British officer — Sympathy for prisoners in Canada — Extradition 
demanded — Preparations for defense 256 

Chapter XXVII 

Plans for revolution at Chicago and New York City — Attempts to be 
made to burn Cincinnati, Philadelphia, and Boston — Plans in 
New York City 264 

Chapter XXVIII 

Confederates attempt to burn business section of New York City — 

Escape to Canada 274 



CONTENTS ♦JCIII 

Chapter XXIX 

Northwestern Confederacy vanishes — Plans exposed at Chicago — 
Arrest of leaders — General report of Thompson upon all opera- 
tions — Failure conceded — Judge Buckncr S. Morris and Col. 
Vincent Marmaduke acquitted — R. T. Semmes and Charles 
Walsh sentenced to penitentiary — Col. George St. Leger Grenfel 
sentenced to be hung 284 

Chapter XXX 

Expedition to Buffalo and Dunkirk, New York, to rescue Confed- 
erate generals on train — Proclamations of General Dix — Efforts 
to capture the express car — Capture of Captain Beall and 
George S. Anderson at Suspension Bridge 301 

Chapter XXXI 

Situation in Canada and in the Confederacy — Sherman's march 

through Georgia and occupation of Savannah 308 

Chapter XXXII 

Trials of Confederates in progress — Lieut. S. B. Davis captured — 
Bennett G. Burley ordered to be extradited to United States — 
Colonel Thompson writes to Confederate minister in England — 
British Government interferes and saves Burley — Ashbrook 
and Kennedy depart for the Confederacy — Lieutenant Davis 
sentenced to be hung — Colonel Thompson appeals to President 
Lincoln and Secretary of War Stanton on merits of the case — 
Successful proceedings in behalf of Davis — Capture, trial and 
•execution of Kennedy 321 

Chapter XXXIII 

Operations of General Sherman in South Carolina, and General 

Hunter in Virginia — General Early retaliates in Pennsylvania.. ..332 

Chapter XXXIV 

Trial of John Yates Beall by military commission- — Character as a 
Confederate officer established — His acts authorized and 
approved by the Confederate Government — Arguments of 
counsel 340 

Chapter XXXV 

Efforts of the friends of Beall. with President Lincoln, for his pardon 
— Beall hung on Governor's Lsland — Buried in Greenwood 
Cemetery, Brooklyn 357 



XIVH CONTENTS 

Chapter XXXVI 

Trial of Lieutenant Young and his men at Montreal — Complete vin- 
dication 370 

Chapter XXXVII 

Arrangements to leave Canada for Richmond — Plan for the next cam- 
paign — Last ditch in the Northern States — Colonel Thompson 
remains in Canada to assist in the trials of Confederates 382 

Chapter XXXVIII 

The trouble of reaching Richmond — Situation in Kentucky, West 

Virginia, and Tennessee 390 

Chapter XXXIX 

Departure from Canada — Journey to Cincinnati — Arrival and sojourn 

in Louisville — Preparations for journey to Virginia 396 

Chapter XL 

Plans and efforts to capture Vice- President-elect Andrew Johnson at 

the Louisville Hotel 402 

Chapter XLI 

Capture horses of Major Julius Fosses in Louisville — Escape from 

the city — Journey to Abingdon, Virginia 411 

Chapter XLII 

Journey to Richmond — Richmond and Petersburg evacuated — Gov- 
ernment flees to the South — Retreat of Lee and surrender at 
Appomattox — Detained at Lynchburg — Escape to the West and 
South — Terms of peace 425 

Chapter XLIII 

Peace cartel repudiated by President Johnson — Surrender of Johnstoa 
and his army — President Davis and Cabinet retire through 
South Carolina — Five cavalry brigades guard the retreat — Last 
council of war — Proposal of General Breckinridge for conduct 
of President Davis to Mexico — General Duke's account of the 
last conference of President Davis with the generals of cavalry 
— Departure of President Davis from Washington, Georgia 432 



CONTENTS 



Chapter XLIV 



f 



President Davis made prisoner — Parole of Confederates at Wash- 
ington, Georgia — President Johnson's Amnesty Proclamation — 
Martin and Headley in excepted class — Arrest of Headley, his 
escape, and subsequent pardon by the President — Troubles in 
Middle Tennessee — Arrest of Martin — He is put in irons and in 
prison at Fort Lafayette 438 

Chapter XLV 

Robert M. Martin pardoned — Many sentences remitted — Parole of 
C. C. Clay, Jr. — Jefferson Davis delivered to United States 
Court at Richmond — Released on bail-bond — Ovation to Mr. 
Davis in the South — Nolle prosequi entered — Finally settles in 
Mississippi to spend his last years — Visit to birthplace in 
Kentucky — Subsequent lives of Confederate officers who served 
in Canada 451 

Chapter XLVI 

The truth — The premises — Summary of conduct of the war — Impar- 
tial testimony and views of Federal commanders — Confederate 
success in battle — Troops engaged — Cause and result of the 
war 464 

Chapter XLVII 
Conduct of Southern authorities and soldiers 473 



f 



♦ 



INTRODUCTION 



There is little consolation in relating- the particulars of the 
hostile operations along the northern borders of the United 
States, by Confederate soldiers from Canada, who were assigned 
to this service by the authorities of the Confederate States in 
1864. 

And yet the authentic narrative of this desperate warfare 
which recalls and includes the cruel phases of the deplorable 
conflict may be due to the survivors and the dead of the North 
and the South who were military foes, and may serve as a lesson 
and a guide to the present and future generations of our reunited 
country in determining the price of peace and the pretexts for 
war. 

All references that pertain to the conduct of the Federal 
Government and soldiers toward non-combatants are derived 
entirely from verified authority and the official records of the 
War Department of the United States. But little account of 
the engagements between the great armies is attempted. And 
it is deemed sufficient to submit the summaries of Generals 
Buell and Grant, the commanders of the two Federal armies 
at the battle of Shiloh, concerning the results of battles, the 
forces engaged, the morale of soldiers, and the cause of the 
war. 

The military operations in the Department of Tennessee are 
noted partially from personal knowledge, but those west of 
the Mississippi River, being of like character under like con- 
ditions, are omitted. And besides, the commanders in both these 
Departments of the Confederacy appear to have missed oppor- 
tunities alike at the critical period — 1862-3, whilst Gen. Robert 
E. Lee was never driven, by generalship or numbers, from Vir- 
ginia, but upon her bosom ended his struggle and breathed his 
last sigh as a soldier of the Southern Confederacy. 

John W. Headley. 
Louisville, Kentucky, 1906. 



f 



CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS IN 
CANADA AND NEW YORK 



CHAPTER I 



Election of Abraham Lincoln precipitates secession — Southern 
Confederacy organized, Jefferson Davis chosen President 
— Mr. Lincoln inaugurated — Attempt to reinforce Fort 
Sumter — Fall of Fort Sumter — Beginning of the war — 
Situation in Missouri, Maryland and Kentucky — President 
Lincoln declares martial law. 

The sectional animosities engendered by the agitation in 
the Northern States for the abolition of African slavery 
reached a climax upon the election of Abraham Lincoln to 
the Presidency of the United States in November, i860. 
The Southern people construed this event to mean the free- 
dom of their negroes. Indeed, the passions of the triumph- 
ant party in the Northern States and their purposes were 
no longer concealed. 

The period of reason appeared to have passed and the 
question was at once agitated in the South of w^ithdrawing 
from the Union and of organizing a new government on 
the same basis as that of the United States, and accordingly 
South Carolina initiated the movement by an Act of Seces- 
sion from the Union, December 14, i860. Other States 
followed, and a provisional new government was formed 
by delegates from South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Ala- 
bama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, who assembled in 
convention at Montgomery, Alabama. JefYerson Davis was 
chosen President, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, 
Vice-President, on the 9th of February, 1861. 



20, CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

In his inaugural address, February i8, 1861, Mr. Davis 
set forth the objects and purposes of the new General Gov- 
ernment, which was called "The Confederate States of 
America." In part he said : 



Our present condition, achieved in a manner unprecedented 
in the history of nations, illustrates the American idea that 
governments rest upon the consent of the governed, and that it 
is the right of the people to alter or abolish governments 
whenever they become destructive of the ends for which they 
were established. 

Through many years of controversy with our late associates, 
the Northern States, we have vainly endeavored to secure tran- 
quillity, and to obtain respect for the rights to which we were 
entitled. As a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the 
remedy of separation; and henceforth our energies must be 
directed to the conduct of our own affairs, and the perpetuity 
of the Confederacy which we have formed. 

If a just perception of mutual interest shall permit us peace- 
ably to pursue our separate career, my most earnest desire will 
have been fulfilled ; but if this is denied us, and the integrity 
of our territory and jurisdiction be assailed, it will but remain 
for us, with firm resolve, to appeal to arms, and invoke the 
blessings of Providence on a just cause. 

We have changed the constituent parts, but not the system 
of our Government. The Constitution formed by our fathers 
is that of these Confederate States, in their exposition of it; 
and, in the judicial construction it has received, we have a light 
which reveals its true meaning. 

President Lincoln, in his inaugural address on March 4. 
1861, said : 

Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern 
States that, by the accession of a Republican Administration, 
their property and their peace and personal security are to be 
endangered. There has never been any cause for such 
apprehensions. 

Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the 
while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 21 

nearly all the public speeches of him who addresses you. I do 
but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that I have 
no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institu- 
tion of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have 
no lawful rii2:ht to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. 
Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge 
that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had 
never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in the 
platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to 
me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read : 

"Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of 
the States, and especially the right of each State to order and 
control its own domestic institutions according to its own judg- 
ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which 
the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and 
we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of 
any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among 
the erravest crimes." 



However, President Lincoln at once began the prepara- 
tions for reinforcing Fort Sumter. Eleven vessels were 
fitted up and loaded with several thousand troops, arms, 
and supplies. They were instructed to reinforce Major 
Anderson at Fort Sumter, peaceably if they could, but by 
force if they must. Just before they arrived, General Beau- 
regard, in command at Charleston, reduced the Fort, and the 
garrison surrendered, upon honorable terms, April 13, 1861, 
without the loss of life on either side. 

On the 15th of April, 1861, two days after the fall of Fort 
Sumter, President Lincoln issued a proclamation, calling for 
seventy-five thousand troops, in which he said : 

I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate and aid this 
effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence 
of our National Union, and the perpetuity of popular govern- 
ment, and to redress wrongs already long endured. 
******* 

And I hereby command the persons composing the combina- 
tions aforesaid to disperse and retire peaceably to their respec- 
tive abodes within twenty days from this date. 



22 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

The States of Virginia, Tennessee, Arkansas and North 
CaroHna at once proceeded to enter the Confederacy. 

The Provisional Government organized at Montgomery 
was merged into a permanent Government, with no special 
changes except the removal of the capital to Richmond, 
Virginia. 

It was with rivalry that the volunteers in the Southern 
States were organized and rushed into the conflict. And 
likewise in the Northern States. Indeed, active preparations 
were being made from the day of the inauguration of the 
new Presidents. 

Gen. John C. Fremont was one of the first generals ap- 
pointed by President Lincoln, and was assigned to the com- 
mand of the Department of the West, in which Ohio and 
Kentucky were included. His headquarters was established 
at St. Louis. 

The State Administration, including the militia, was 
openly arrayed against the Union in Missouri. General Fre- 
mont was confronted from the start by a condition of revolt 
against his authority, and his military jurisdiction in the 
State was practically limited to St. Louis for some time. 

General Fremont says when he parted from the President 
in Washington to assume his command in the West that Mr. 
Lincoln said : 

I have given you carte blanche. You must use your own 
judgment and do the best you can. I doubt if the States will 
ever come back. 

General Fremont, therefore, within a few months deemed 
it advisable to issue a proclamation declaring martial law, 
from which the following extracts are quoted : 

St. Louis, August 30, 1861. 

All persons who shall be taken with arms in their hands within 
these lines shall be tried by court-martial, and if found guilty 
will be shot. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 23 

The property, real and personal, of all persons, in the State of 
Missouri, who shall take up arms against the United States, 
or who shall be directly proven to have taken an active part with 
their enemies in the field, is declared confiscated to the public 
use, and their slaves, if they have any, arc hereby declared free 
men. 

All persons who shall be proven to have destroyed, after the 
publication of this order, railroad tracks, bridges, or telegraphs, 
shall suffer the extreme penalty of the law. 

All persons engaged in treasonable correspondence, in giving 
or procuring aid to the enemies of the United States, in foment- 
ing tumults, in disturbing the public tranquillity by creating and 
circulating false reports or incendiary documents, are in their 
own interest warned that they are exposing themselves to 
sudden and severe punishment. 

All persons who have been led away from their allegiance, 
are required to return to their homes forthwith ; any such 
absence, without sufficient cause, will be held to be presumptive 
evidence against them. 

The object of this declaration is to place in the hands of the 
military authorities the power to give instantaneous effect to 
existing laws, and to supply such deficiencies as the conditions 
of war demand. 

******* 

Gen. Jeff. Thompson, then in command of the Missouri 
militia forces about St. Louis, at once issued the following 
proclamation of retaliation : 

Headquarters First Military District Mo. 

St. Louis, August 31, 1861. 
To All Whom It May Concern: 

Whereas, Maj.-Gen. John C. Fremont, commanding the 
minions of Abraham Lincoln in the State of Missouri, has seen 
fit to declare martial law throughout the whole State, and has 
threatened to shoot any citizen-soldier found in arms within 
certain limits ; also, to confiscate the property and free the 
negroes belonging to the members of the Missouri State Guard : 

Therefore, know ye, that I, M. Jeff. Thompson, Brigadier- 
General of the First Military District of Missouri, having not 
only the military authority of brigadier-general, but certain 
police powers granted by Acting-Governor Thomas C. Rey- 
nolds, and confirmed afterward by Governor Jackson, do most 
solemnly promise that for every member of the Missouri State 



24 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Guard, or soldier of our allies, the armies of the Confederate 
States, who shall be put to death in pursuance of the said order 
of General Fremont, I will hang, draw, and quarter a minion 
of said Abraham Lincoln, 

While I am anxious that this unfortunate war shall be con- 
ducted, if possible, upon the most liberal principles of civilized 
warfare, and every order that I have issued has been with that 
object — yet, if this rule is to be adopted (and it must first be 
done by our enemies), I intend to exceed General Fremont in 
his excesses, and will make all tories that come within my reach 
rue the day that a different policy was adopted by their leaders. 

Already mills, barns, warehouses, and other private property 
have been wastefully and wantonly destroyed by the enemy 
in this district, while we have taken nothing except articles 
contraband or absolutely necessary. Should these things be 
repeated, I will retaliate ten-fold, so help me God. 

M. Jeff. Thompson^ 
Brigadier-General Commanding. 

President Lincoln wrote : 

(private). 
Washington, D. C, September 2, 1861. 

My Dear Sir : Two points in your proclamation of August 
30th give me some anxiety : 

First. Should you shoot a man according to the proclama- 
tion, the Confederates would very certainly shoot our best man 
in their hands, in retaliation ; and so, man for man, indefinitely. 
It is, therefore, my order that you allow no man to be shot 
under the proclamation without first having my approbation or 
consent. 

Second. I think there is great danger that the closing par- 
agraph, in relation to the confiscation of property, and the liber- 
ating of slaves of traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern 
Union friends, and turn them against us; perhaps ruin our 
rather fair prospect for Kentucky. 

Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own 
motion, modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first 
and fourth sections of the Act of Congress entitled, "An Act 
to Confiscate Property Used for Insurrectionary Purposes," 
approved August 6, 1861, a copy of which Act I herewith send 
you. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 25 

This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. 
I send it by a special messenger, so that it may certainly and 
speedily reach you. 

Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 
IMajor-General Fremont. 

General Fremont replied to President Lincoln's sug-ges- 
tions, in a long letter, from which I make extracts : 

Headquarters Western Department. 

St. Louis, September 8, 1861. 
My Dear Sir : Your letter of the second, by special messen- 
ger, I know to have been written before you had received my 
letter, and before my telegraphic dispatches and rapid devel- 
opments of critical conditions here had informed you of affairs 
in this quarter. 

******* 

This is as much a movement in the war, as a battle, and, in 
going into these, I shall have to act according to my judgment of 

the ground before me, as I did on this occasion. 

******* 

If I were to retract of my own accord, it would imply that 
I myself thought it wrong, and that I had acted without 
the reflection which the gravity of the point demanded. But 
I did not. I acted with full deliberation, and upon the certain 
conviction that it was a measure right and necessary, and I think 
so still. 

In regard to the other point of the proclamation to which you 
refer, I desire to say that I do not think the enemy can either 
misconstrue or urge anything against it, or undertake to make 
unusual retaliation. The shooting of men who shall rise in 
arms against an army in the military occupation of a country, 
is merely a necessary measure of defense, and entirely according 
to the usages of civilized warfare. The article does not at all 
refer to prisoners of war and certainly our enemies have no 
grounds for requiring that we should waive in their benefit any 
of the ordinary advantages which the usages of war allow us. 

As promptitude is itself an advantage in war, I have also to 
ask that you will permit me to carrv out upon the spot the pro- 
visions of the proclamation in this respect. 

I am, with respect and regard. 

Very truly yours, 

J. C. Fremont. 

The President. 



26 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

President Lincoln rejoined, as follows : 

Washington, September ii, 1861. 

Sir : Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2nd instant, 
is just received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could 
better judge of the necessities of your position than I could at 
this distance, on seeing your proclamation of August 2)0th^ I 
perceived no general objection to it. 

The particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation 
of property and the liberation of slaves, appeared to me to be 
objectionable in its non-conformity to the Act of Congress, 
passed the 6th of last August, upon the same subjects; and 
hence I wrote you expressing my wish that that clause should 
be modified accordingly. 

Your answer, just received, expresses the preference, on your 
part, that I should make an open order for the modification, 
which I very cheerfully do. 

It is therefore ordered, that the said clause of said procla- 
mation be so modified, held and construed to conform to, and 
not to transcend, the provisions on the same subiect contained 
in the Act of Congress entitled, ''An Act to Confiscate Property 
Used for Insurrectionary Purposes," approved August 6th, 
1861, and that said Act be published at length with this order. 

Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 

Major-General John C. Fremont. 

Practically the same conditions existed in Maryland and 
Kentucky. 

The legislatures of both States were assembled to consider 
the Act of Secession. In Maryland there was little doubt 
that the Act would be passed. 

On the same day that Mr. Lincoln wrote to General 
Fremont, the following order was issued to Gen. Nathaniel 
P. Banks : 

War Department, September 11, 1861. 
General : The passage of an Act of Secession by the Legis- 
lature of Maryland must be prevented. If necessary, all or any 
part of the members must be arrested. Exercise your own 
judgment as to the time and manner but do the work effectually. 
Very respectfully your obedient servant, 
Simon Cameron, 

Secretary of War. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 27 

The General Assembly of Kentucky had adopted a resolu- 
tion declaring- "that Kentucky should maintain a strict neu- 
trality during the contest between the North and the South." 
This was the position of the Union men of the Legislature. 
A Union mass meeting, held in Louisville and attended by 
persons from all parts of the State, issued an address affirm- 
ing the same position. 

A regiment of infantry recruited, armed, and equipped 
at Louisville by Col. Blanton Duncan, with Thomas H. 
Taylor, lieutenant-colonel, had already volunteered and en- 
listed under General Beauregard in Virginia. 

Meantime, President Lincoln had issued his proclamation 
declaring martial law, and citizens were arrested for dis- 
loyalty in all the border States. They were requested to take 
an oath of allegiance to the United States or were committed 
to prison. 



CHAPTER II 

Battle of Bull Run — Armies invade Kentucky — Author 
enlists — Military operations in Kentucky. 

During this period the ports of the Confederacy had been 
blockaded by the warships of the United States. The Con- 
federate States had been recognized as belligerents by the 
Governments of Great Britain and France, and the hostile 
armies had been engaged in actual warfare in Virginia and 
Missouri. But the army of the Confederacy was at Manassas 
under General Beauregard and in the Shenandoah Valley 
under Gen. Joseph E. Johnston. General McDowell ad- 
vanced his army from Washington and on the 21st of July 
attacked Beauregard. General Johnston arrived on the field 
with his troops in the afternoon, when the battle resulted in 
the defeat and rout of McDowell's army. The stampede con- 
tinued to Washington City without pursuit by the Confed- 
erates. General McDowell reported to the War Department 
as follows : 

Fairfax Court House, July 21, 1861. 

The men have thrown away their haversacks in the battle 
and left them behind ; they are without food, have eaten noth- 
ing since breakfast. We are without artillery ammunition. 
The larger part of the men are a confused mob — entirely demor- 
alized. It was the opinion of all the commanders that no stand 
could be made this side of the Potomac. We will, however, 
make the attempt at Fairfax Court House. From a prisoner 
we learned that 20,000 from Johnston joined last night and they 
march on us to-night. 

Irwin McDowell. 

Again General McDowell dispatches : 

Fairfax Court House, July 22, 1861. 
Many of the volunteers did not wait for authority to proceed 
to the Potomac, but left on their own decision. They are now 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 29 

pouring- through this place in a state of utter disorganization. 
They could not be prepared for action by to-morrow morning 
even if they were willing. I learn from prisoners that we are to 
be pressed here to-night and to-morrow morning, as the enemy's 
force is very large and they are elated. I think we heard cannon 
on our rear-guard. I tliink now, as all my commanders thought 
at Centerville, there is no alternative but to fall back to the 
Potomac, and I shall proceed to do so with as much regularity 
as possible. 

Irwin McDowell. 

This event electrified the heart of the South and aroused 
the war spirit in the border States to such a degree that the 
drastic measures of the Federal authorities recorded in the 
preceding- chapter were doubtless deemed essential to prevent 
the regular secession of Missouri, Maryland and Kentucky. 
Meanwhile, there had been organization on the northern and 
southern borders of Kentucky, and volunteers Avere enlist- 
ing on both sides. 

Finally the Union army moved into Kentucky and ad- 
vanced to Munfordsville under Brig.-Gen. W. T. Sherman, 
with Brig.-Gen. George H. Thomas on the left at Lebanon 
and Columbia, while on the right, posts were established 
at Owensboro, Calhoun, Henderson and Paducah, and also 
at Cairo, Illinois, under Brig.-Gen, U. S. Grant — the whole 
under Gen. Henry W. Halleck at St. Louis, he having suc- 
ceeded General Fremont. 

The Confederate army under command of Gen. Albert 
Sidney Johnston promptly advanced from Nashville to Bowl- 
ing Green with Brig.-Gen. Felix Zollicoffer on the right 
toward Cumberland Gap, while on the left, troops were posted 
at Hopkinsville, Fort Henry and Fort Donelson, Tennessee, 
and also at Columbus, Kentucky, under Brig.-Gen. Leonidas 
Polk. 

It will be observed that these opposing forces extended 
along a line from the Mississippi River to Cumberland Gap, 
a distance of perhaps 300 miles. 

The presence of both armies created intense excitement 
in Kentucky. Neighbors and members of the same families 



30 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

became aroused against each other. Volunteers singly or in 
squads from every neighborhood rushed to both armies, and 
were soon organized into companies, regiments and brigades. 

At this juncture I left my home in Hopkins County to join 
the Confederates at Hopkinsville. I found Brig.-Gen. James 
L. Alcorn of Mississippi in command. The First Mississippi 
Infantry was here under Col. John T. Simonton and Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Davidson. There were two companies of cavalry 
under Capt. Ned Merriweather and Capt. Gowan Bell, nearly 
all the men recruited from Christian County. But in another 
camp were about one hundred cavalry under Capt. James K. 
Huey of Smithland. 

Most of these men were from Hopkins and Webster 
counties, and many of them my neighbors, some being rela- 
tions, and I located with them at once. The company was 
sworn in under Captain Huey by General Alcorn on October 
21, 1 86 1, for one year. 

I had been restless all the summer because I could not 
conveniently leave to volunteer, having been detained on ac- 
count of my father's business, being his reliance in a store at 
Nebo, his home being four miles distant, on a farm. I had 
been afraid the independence of the Confederacy would be 
acknowledged and the war ended before I could get in it. 
I was now satisfied at last. 

About this time an encampment was located at Saratoga 
Springs in Lyon County, where W. D. Wilcox and Benjamin 
D. Terry had recruited about 150 cavalry for the Confed- 
eracy, with a good prospect of a battalion or regiment. 

But a transport, accompanied by a gunboat, came up the 
Cumberland River from Smithland with a command of 
Federals under Major Phillips. They were landed after mid- 
night within five miles of Saratoga Springs. At daybreak 
they attacked the encampment. The sleeping men were not 
only surprised but unarmed, excepting a few who had double- 
barreled shotguns and some with pistols. There was conster- 
nation for a few moments after the first volley of the enemy 
was fired, but a dash was instantly made to escape, led by 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 31 

Captains Terry and Wilcox. Tlie casualties of the South- 
erners were three killed and eight wounded. The remainder 
and a number of horses were captured. Captain Wilcox was 
wounded, but he and Captain Terry reached Hopkinsville 
safely with a hundred of the men. I saw them on their 
arrival, and though fatigued they were in the best of spirits. 
The command was at once enlisted for three years, or the 
war, and organized in one company. W. D. Wilcox was 
elected captain and Benjamin D. Terry first lieutenant. This 
was perhaps the first hostile encounter and the first loss of 
life in Kentucky. 

The members of all these cavalry companies furnished 
their own horses and generally their own shotguns and other 
equipments. 

Early in November a battalion of cavalry arrived from 
Fort Henry under command of Lieut. -Col, N. B. Forrest and 
Maj. D, C. Kelly, and encamped on the other side of the 
town. 

A short while after the arrival of Forrest at Hopkinsville 
he started with about three hundred men toward Henderson, 
Lieutenant Wallace with some twenty of Huey's company 
being of the number. At Marion Forrest learned that a 
prominent friend of the South had been arrested and sent 
away to prison on the information of Jonathan Belt, an 
enthusiastic Union man. With a detachment, Forrest went 
to arrest Belt and hold him as a hostage. As they proceeded 
on the way, Forrest and Dr. Van Wyck, surgeon of the regi- 
ment, rode in front. When they reached Belt's house he 
was inside, and, firing upon the advance, he killed Dr. Van 
Wyck. Belt then ran out through the back of his premises 
and escaped. 

There was now a quiet time for several weeks at Hop- 
kinsville, when all the troops went into winter quarters. 
This, however, was a monotonous existence for the class of 
men composing our company. Perhaps half of them had left 
a wife and children behind and all of them comfortable 



32 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

homes. Some were wealthy for that comitry, but in the en- 
thusiasm of the moment had rushed into the war for Southern 
independence. 

The regiment of Colonel Forrest had now been joined by 
two additional companies from Alabama, commanded by 
Captains Davis and McDonald, and one company from 
Tennessee, commanded by Captain Starnes. It was now 
composed of ten companies, with a total strength of eight 
hundred men. 

Early in Christmas week Colonel Forrest was sent with 
about three hundred men, including thirty men from the 
company of Captain Merriweather, in the direction of Cal- 
houn. In Muhlenburg County, Forrest heard a cavalry com- 
mand of the enemy, estimated at four hundred, was on the 
road between Greenville and Sacramento. He overtook them 
near the latter place and found them formed across the road 
in line of battle. Forrest now halted and prepared for action. 
He sent Captain Starnes with about forty men to the left and 
Major Kelly with a similar number to the right to attack 
both flanks. At the same moment Forrest moved his main 
line forward with sabers drawn, and charged the enemy's 
front. The attack was simultaneous and the enemy did not 
wait to meet the assault. Their line broke up in confusion 
and stampeded through the town of Sacramento, with the 
Confederates yelling and pressing the pursuit, Forrest, Merri- 
weather and Starnes being in the lead. They soon began to 
overtake and slay those in the rear who did not surrender. 

Some two miles beyond Sacramento the Federal com- 
mander rallied a portion of his command, after passing 
through a lane that ran over a ridge that crossed a farm. 
As Forrest and his followers reached the top of the ridge in 
the lane and found the enemy forming some two hundred 
yards distant, at the end of the lane, they did not halt or 
wait for all the command to come up, but Forrest dashed 
forward at the head of his foremost men, formed in column 
of fours, and went headlong into the enemy with sabers and 
pistols, forcing a hand-to-hand combat. Captain Merri- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 33 

weather at Forrest's side fell dead with a ball through the 
head. Forrest being- surrounded by his desperate foes, slew 
Captain Bacon with his saber, who fell from his horse. But 
Forrest's men rushed to his aid, and one named Terry fell 
dead at the hands of Captain Davis of the Federal force. 
Forrest dashed at the Captain with such force that their 
horses collided and both went down. Davis was disabled and 
surrendered. Forrest was up and remounted instantly. But 
there was nothing more to do. Captain Starnes and others 
who composed the advance had made common cause with 
Forrest. 

All who rallied around Bacon and Davis for this desperate 
stniggle with Forrest and his men had been killed, wounded 
or captured. And here the conflict ended. The Confed- 
erates had three men wounded. The struggle had not 
lasted over fifteen minutes. Though an insignificant affair 
it was regarded at the time as the most sensational and 
romantic fight of the war, and the daring and intrepidity of 
Forrest in this, his first battle, brought him instant fame. 

Early in January, 1862, Gen. George B. Crittenden suc- 
ceeded Gen. Felix Zollicoffer in command of the little army 
on the Upper Cumberland encamped at Mill Spring. 

Gen. George H. Thomas advanced his column from Le- 
banon and through Columbia to a point within ten miles of 
Crittenden. Crittenden moved forward and attacked. A 
desperate engagement ensued, which finally resulted in the 
defeat of Crittenden, who retreated to his entrenched camp 
at Mill Spring. But upon the approach of Thomas with a 
superior force the Confederates evacuated their position and 
their retreat became a rout. General Zollicoffer was among 
the killed. The Confederate command was practically scat- 
tered for the time being, leaving the Federals in possession 
of that part of Kentucky. 

During this period General Alcorn was relieved and was 
succeeded at Hopkinsville by Gen. Charles Clark of Missis- 
sippi. General Sherman had been relieved of his command 
in Kentucky and succeeded by Gen. Don Carlos Buell. 



34 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

The other operations in this section during the past three 
months had not been of great importance excepting the 
battle of Behnont, Missouri, on the Mississippi River. Brig.- 
Gen. U. S. Grant, in command at Cairo, IlHnois, had con- 
veyed his forces on steamboats down the river and disem- 
barked on the Missouri side several miles above Columbus, 
Kentucky. He then moved down to make a demonstration 
against the Confederate position across the river, but Maj.- 
Gen. Leonidas Polk managed to get his forces ferried over 
and attacked Grant at Belmont. After a spirited battle Grant 
retreated to his boats and returned to Cairo. 



CHAPTER III 

Battle and surrender of Fort Donelson — Grant absent during 
the battle — Forrest refuses to surrender and escapes and is 
followed by over half his regiment. 

We were surprised by the announcement that General 
Grant in command of an expedition up the Tennessee River 
had surrounded and captured Gen. Lloyd Tilghman and one 
hundred men at Fort Henry on the 6th of February, 1862. 
The only comfort we got out of the disaster was the escape 
of the greater part of the garrison. We realized that the 
Federal army was seventy-five miles in our rear. The fall 
of Fort Henry opened the way for the Federals up the river 
to Mississippi and Alabama. The next morning early we 
marched through Hopkinsville and out the turnpike leading 
to Clarksville, Tennessee. The company was disbanded to go 
in squads through the country to find accommodations and 
report next morning at Clarksville. We learned at Clarks- 
ville that a Confederate army was assembling at Dover to 
defend Fort Donelson, which was located two miles below 
the town on the Cumberland River. We arrived at the ferry 
landing opposite Dover about an hour before night. It was 
after dark when we got across and went into camp with 
Forrest. 

Colonel Forrest went out the Fort Henry road the next 
afternoon to reconnoiter. After going about three miles we 
were marching through a short lane, when a single shot was 
fired. The head of the command pushed forward and the 
order was passed back down the line to form fours and close 
up ranks. The regiment rode in a gallop for half a mile or 
more. The whole command in front seemed to be breaking 
ranks in some confusion and when we got up it was found 



36 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

that a Federal cavalryman had been captured by Wm. Davis, 
of our company, and he too had fired the first shot, being at 
the head of the advance guard when it met the Federal 
scouts. We went out again the next morning on the Fort 
Henry road and had gone about a mile when there were 
several shots at the head of the column and a halt. Colonel 
Forrest hurried from the right along the front of the line, 
and as he halted at our company on the left and was talking 
to Captain Huey, Major Kelly galloped up and reported 
something to Forrest. I was designated to take six men and 
go forward. Forrest directed me to deploy the men fifty 
yards apart, going in the center myself along the road, with 
three men off in the woods on each side, and when we came 
upon the enemy to fire and fall back after obsei-ving closely 
all the troops in sight. We proceeded for half a mile without 
seeing or hearing of the enemy, when we were called back. 

Forrest seemed very busy along the line, and in a few 
minutes dismounted a part of it. He then galloped to Captain 
Huey and ordered him to follow with his company. We 
filed around to the right through the woods and went a 
hundred yards, halting and forming a line fronting a little 
hill. Forrest went back to the regiment but returned present- 
ly with Major Kelly and two companions. They hurried by, 
passing in the rear of our line, halting about a hundred yards 
to our right on higher ground, and began to form in line. 
Forrest then came back, ordered Captain Huey to take the 
hill in front of us, and galloped on to the other part of the 
regiment he had left in the original position. 

Captain Huey had about got ready, when suddenly a vol- 
ley was poured from the hill, about seventy-five yards dis- 
tant, into our ranks. I heard something strike with a dull 
spat on my left. Tiller Younger was next to me, and said 
he was shot through the left arm. When I turned and looked 
up, I saw that the whole company had given way in some 
confusion. I called to the men to come up in line and they 
rallied quick as a flash, every man to his place. The con- 
fusion had all been caused by the frightened horses. Captain 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 37 

Hiiey had just got the Hne dressed, when Major Kelly 
charged the hill with his two companies and went within 
fifty yards of the Federals, who fired two volleys into his 
ranks and then opened on him with a piece of artillery, when 
he fell back in disorder, but quickly rallied and maintained 
his position. His charge saved our company from the same 
experience. A number of his men were wounded and sev- 
eral horses killed. Before our company did anything For- 
rest withdrew the whole command, which marched back with- 
in our lines. 

The Federals brought several pieces of artillery in sight, 
half a mile from our trenches, and began to throw shells 
into our works. It was a straggling fire, however, and met 
with no response from our artillery. But the booming of 
the enemy's cannon served to rouse all our forces. 

It was now settled' that Grant's army was arriving and 
taking position in our front. Next morning, the 13th, we 
expected a battle in earnest. The enemy opened with ar- 
tillery early and continued a desultory cannonade. Several 
feeble attempts were made by infantry on our works, and 
one by at least a brigade, which was repulsed after renewed 
assaults, with considerable loss to the enemy and some in 
our trenches. 

On the 14th the armies remained quiet. The enemy's fleet 
of gunboats, however, attacked the Fort in the afternoon, 
but was badly crippled and retired down the river. 

It appears that General Grant left his army about daylight 
on the 15th to visit Commander Foote (who was wounded 
and desired a conference) on his gunboat about seven miles 
below and did not return until about three o'clock in the 
afternoon. 

Meanwhile, Gen. Gideon S. Pillow moved our army out 
of our works from the right center all round on the left 
and attacked Grant's right wing. Captain Huey's company 
was detailed as an escort for Gen. John B. Floyd, who was 
in chief command, but we viewed the battle from a safe 
position. It was an exciting scene to witness the contest 
for hours not more than half a mile away. 



38 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

About two o'clock in the afternoon the enemy retreated 
toward the Tennessee River, according to our information 
on the jEield, and our army returned to the trenches. Late 
in the afternoon the enemy, by an assault with a division, 
gained a foothold on Fort Donelson hill, but was checked 
and partially dislodged by General Buckner. Colonel For- 
rest and all the cavalry except Captain Huey's company had 
been in the thickest of the battle. 

General Grant says : 

After these mishaps to the fleet I concluded to make the 
investment of Fort Donelson as perfect as possible, and partially 
fortify, and await repairs to the gunboats. 

On the morning of the 15th, before it was yet broad day, a 
messenger from Flag-officer Foote handed me a note, expressing 
a desire to see me on the flag-ship, and saying that he had been 
injured the day before so much that he could not come himself to 
me. I at once made my preparations for starting. 

When I reached the 'fleet I found the flag-ship was anchored 
out in the stream. A small boat, however, awaited my arrival 
and I was soon on board with the flag-officer. 

I saw the absolute necessity of his gunboats going into hos- 
pital and did not know but I should be forced to the alternative 
of going through a siege. But the enemy relieved me from this 
necessity. 

When I left the National line to visit Flag-officer Foote I 
had no idea that there would be an engagement on land unless 
I brought it on myself. 

From the 12th to the 14th we had but 15,000 men of all arms 
and no gunboats. Now we had been reinforced by a fleet of six 
naval vessels, a large division of troops under Gen. L. Wallace, 
and 2,500 men brought over from Fort Henry belonging to the 
division of C. F. Smith. The enemy, however, had taken the 
initiative. Just as I landed I met Captain Hillyer, of my staff, 
white with fear, not for his personal safety, but for the safety 
of the National troops. He said the enemy had come out of 
his lines in full force and attacked and scattered McClernand's 
division, which was in full retreat. 

The attack had been made on the National right. I was some 
four or five miles north of our left. The line was about three 
miles long. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 39 

The enemy had come out in full force to cut his way out and 
make his escape. McClcrnand's division had to bear the brunt 
of the attack of this combined force. 

The division broke and a portion fled, but most of the men, 
as they were not pursued, only fell back out of the range of the 
fire of the enemy. 

At all events, the enemy fell back within his entrenchments 
and was there when I got on the field. I saw men standing in 
knots talking in the most excited manner. No ofificer seemed 
to be giving any directions. The soldiers had their muskets, 
but no ammunition, while there were tons of it close at hand. 

I was awakened in the night by confusion in our tent and 
horses tramping the frozen snow outside. I was told that 
Floyd, Pillow, and Buckner were going to surrender the 
army at sunrise next morning. It was said that Forrest was 
sent for and told that an overwhelming force had been 
extended on the line from the river above Dover, around to 
Hickman Creek, below Fort Donelson, and no alternative 
remained but a surrender. Forrest notified them that he 
would take his men and cut through Grant's lines. He had 
notified all the captains of the companies that every member 
of the regiment could remain and surrender or follow him 
and take the chances of escape. When I got outside and 
saddled my horse all were gone. 

I rode in the dark to find the company. There was so 
much talking and calling in all directions, I w-andered around 
for several minutes before I could locate it. I hurried on 
and heard the voice of Captain Huey, but before I got to him 
I observed a column of cavalry approaching, and rode to see 
where it was going. Forrest was at the head. I asked him 
if it was true that he Avas going out. 'T am going to try," 
he said. "When will you start, Colonel ?" I asked. "I am 
going now," he answered. I hurried to find the company., 
I met several and told them I was going with Forrest. I 
found the company breaking ranks in confusion. Forrest's 
column had passed on. It was a little cloudy and so dark 
we must get with him then or get left. I got Isaac M. 
Bowers, who said he roused me as he left the tent. We 
caught up with Forrest at once. 



40 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

After we had gone about a mile there was a halt. An 
order was whispered along down the line that there must be 
absolute quiet and to close up ranks. We rested here a little 
while and again moved forward slowly. No lights were in 
view anywhere in the direction of the enemy and yet I judged 
we must be nearing their line, from the distance we had come, 
and besides we seemed to be moving very cautiously. 
Presently there was a strange noise toward the head of the 
column. It could soon be understood that the horses in 
front were in water, and it was not long till we came to it. 
It was in woods and dark as pitch, but in we went, following 
the noise ahead of us. The deepest place I struck was about 
half way up my saddle skirts. When we reached the other 
side the command was going forward in a trot and we closed 
up promptly. Day was just breaking. I observed Major 
Kelly and a citizen on the roadside after we came out of the 
water, at a little distance on the right. They had halted at 
the intersection of the road from Cumberland City to Dover. 
There were only forty-two of our company, including 
Captain Huey, that had followed Forrest. Forrest had only 
about half of his regiment. 

Colonel Forrest tells the true story of the battle and his 
opinion of the surrender was the opinion of the soldiers. 
He says in his official report : 

During the night I was called into council with the generals 
commanding, when it was determined to bring on the attack 
the next day by again passing our entrenchments and attacking 
the enemy's right. 

In the early gray of the morning I moved to the attack, the 
cavalry on the left and in the advance. I found the enemy 
prepared to receive us, and were again engaged with the sharp- 
shooters till our infantry were formed for the attack, the first 
gun from the enemy killing a horse in my regiment. General 
B. R. Johnson, commanding the left, which now moved to the 
front. An obstinate fight of two hours ended in the retreat of 
the enemy. The undergrowth was so thick I could scarcely 
press my horse through it. Finding that the flank of the enemy 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 41 

in retreat was exposed across an open field to my front and left, 
I immediately led my cavalry to the field, but found the ground 
a marsh, and we were unable to pass it. 

The enemy formed in the edge of a second field to our front 
and right, and flanking the left of our advancing line of infantry. 
We could not move to flank them, but by maneuvering to their 
front and right doubtless prevented their attempting a flank 
movement on our infantry. Finding that our advancing line of 
infantry would cut them off, while the cavalry prevented their 
flanking us, they commenced a retreat, accompanied by their 
cavalry, which we could now see in the distance, but not par- 
ticipating during the day in the fight. Our infantry had now 
driven them near a mile, they doggedly disputing the whole 
ground, leaving dead and wounded scattered through the woods 
and fields up to the ravine. The enemy, leaving their third 
position for the first time, retreated in great haste, advancing 
by a road through a ravine. I here passed our line of infantry 
with my command moving in the center. 

I charged the enemy's battery of six guns, which had kept 
several of our regiments in check for several hours, killing and 
slaughtering a great many of our men. I captured the battery, 
killing most of the men and horses. I then immediately moved 
on the flank of the enemy, obstinately maintaining their position. 
They finally gave way, our infantry and cavalry both charging 
them at the same time, committing great slaughter. Moving 
still farther to our right, I found a regiment of our infantry in 
confusion, which I relieved by charging the enemy to their front. 
Here sixty-four of the enemy were found in forty yards square. 
General Pillow, coming up, ordered me to charge the enemy in 
a ravine. I charged by squadrons, filing the first company of 
each squadron to the right, and the second to the left, on reach- 
ing the ravine, firing and falling in the rear of the third squad- 
ron until the three squadrons had charged. We here completely 
routed the enemy, leaving some two hundred dead in the hol- 
low, accomplishing what three different regiments had failed 
to do. Seeing the enemy's battery to our right about to turn on 
us, I now ordered a charge on this battery, from which we drove 
the enemy, capturing two guns. Following down the ravine, 
captured the third, which they were endeavoring to carry oft', 
gunners and drivers retreating up the hill. In this charge I 
killed about fifty sharpshooters, who were supporting the guns. 
I ordered forward a number of scouts, who, returning, informed 
me that the enemy, with three guns and three regiments of 
infantry, were moving up by the road from Fort Henry. We 



42 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

had driven the enemy back without a reverse from the left of 
our entrenchments in the center, having opened three different 
roads by which we might have retired if the generals had, as was 
deemed best in the council the night before, ordered the retreat 
of the army. Informing General Pillow of the position the 
enemy had taken, he ordered two new regiments and one of the 
regiments in the field, with one piece of artillery, to attack the 
enemy. 

The fight here ended about 2.30 p. m. without any change in 
our relative positions. We were employed the remainder of the 
evening in gathering up arms, and assisting in getting off the 
wounded. I was three times over the battlefield, and late in the 
evening was two miles up the river on the road to the ford. 
There were none of the enemy in sight when dark came on. 
SATURDAY NIGHT OUR TROOPS SLEPT, FLUSHED 
WITH VICTORY, AND CONFIDENT THEY COULD 
DRIVE THE ENEMY TO THE TENNESSEE RIVER 
THE NEXT MORNING. 

About 12 o'clock at night I was called in council with the gen- 
erals, who had under discussion the surrender of the fort. They 
reported that the enemy had received 11,000 reinforcements 
since the fight. They supposed the enemy had returned to the 
positions they had occupied the day before, 

I returned to my quarters and sent out two men, who, going 
by a road up the bank of the river, returned without seeing 
any of the enemy, only fires, which I believed to be the old camp- 
fires, and so stated to the generals; the ivind, being very high, 
had fanned them into a blaze. 

When I returned General Buckner stated he could not hold 
his position. Generals Floyd and Pillow gave up the responsi- 
bility of the command to him, and I told them that I neither 
could nor would surrender my command. General Pillow then 
said I could cut my way out if I chose to do so, and he and 
General Floyd agreed to come out with me. I got my com- 
mand 'ready and reported at headquarters. General Floyd 
informed me that General Pillow had left, and that he would 
go by boat. 

I moved out by the road we had gone out the morning before. 
When about a mile out crossed a deep slough from the river, 
saddle-skirt deep, and filed into the sand road to Cumberland 
Iron Works. I ordered Major Kelly and Adjutant Schuyler 
to remain at the point where we entered this road with one 
company, where the enemy's cavalry would attack if they 
attempted to follow us. They remained until day was dawning. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 43 

Over 500 cavalry had passed, a company of artillery horses had 
followed, and a number of men from different regiments, 
passing over hard frozen ground. More than two hours had 
been occupied in passing. Not a gun had been fired at us. 
No enemy had beai seen or heard. 

The enemy could not have reinvested their former position 
without traveling a considerable distance and camped upon the 
dead and dying, as there had been great slaughter upon that 
portion of the field, and I am clearly of the opinion that two- 
thirds of our army could have marched out without loss, and 
that, had we continued the fight the next day, we should have 
gained a glorious victory, as our troops were in fine spirits, 
believing we had whipped them, and the roads through which 
we came were open as late as 8 o'clock Sunday morning, as many 
of my men, who came out afterwards, report. 

N. B. Forrest, 
Colonel, Commanding Forrest's Regiment of Cavalry. 



CHAPTER IV 

Evacuation of Tennessee by Confederates — Battle of Shiloh — 
Campaign in Virginia — Buell in North Alabama — Bragg at 
Chattanooga — Forrest and Morgan in Buell's rear — Bragg 
and Kirby Smith invade Kentucky. 

At Nashville there was confusion and demoralization. 
Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston v^as here and his army was 
arriving from Bowling Green. The soldiers were indignant 
and somewhat disheartened on account of the ridiculous sur- 
render of the sleeping army at Fort Donelson. Forrest and 
the 500 who followed him, to cut through Grant's lines if 
necessary, were the heroes of the hour. Everybody wanted 
to see Forrest. I saw Floyd and Pillow here and they looked 
"pretty cheap." 

The next morning Captain Huey moved our company out 
the Murfreesboro pike a few miles. The roll call showed 
42 present. Our lieutenants had been left at Fort Donelson 
and Captain Huey held an election. I was elected first lieu- 
tenant. The company being without baggage and camping 
utensils was disbanded to secure accommodations and report 
at Huntsville, Alabama, on the 25th. 

At Huntsville we met Captain Huey, and going down the 
valley were attached permanently to the First Kentucky 
Cavalry. Col. Ben Hardin Helm and Lieut-Col. Thomas G. 
Woodward were the commanders. Col. Helm's wife was a 
sister of Mrs. Abraham Lincoln. 

The regiment was encamped near Tuscumbia, guarding 
the railroad bridge at Florence and watching the advance 
of Buell from Nashville. Meanwhile, the army of General 
Johnston had concentrated at Corinth, confronting General 
Grant's main body of troops at Pittsburg Landing. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 45 

There was great excitement in the rcg-iment when the 
news was received that Johnston's army had started from 
Corinth to attack Grant. By going to the water's edge at 
Tiiscumbia Landing, not far from camp, we could distinctly 
hear the cannonade during the battle, which was sixty miles 
distant by the river. The news of the victory of our army 
the first day caused great rejoicing throughout the regiment, 
and an eagerness to go to the field. But it looked as if we 
were fated to disappointment in our anxiety for actual ex- 
perience in battle. The result of the second day's conflict and 
the retreat of Beauregard, together with the death of Gen- 
eral Johnston, were dispiriting, and yet we felt that our army 
got the best of the battle and was safe. 

Buell had arrived with thirty thousand troops after the 
close of the first day's engagement and saved Grant's army. 

The army of General Beauregard finally abandoned 
Corinth, and was recuperated and reorganized just south of 
Tupelo, Mississippi, where it remained until June. In the 
mean time. Colonel Helm had the Florence bridge burned 
and broke camp, marching down the valley to Buzzard Roost. 
All the regiment left with Helm except Captain Huey's com- 
pany. It was detailed for outpost duty below Tuscumbia, 
the e'iiemy being at Decatur. 

Finally, in May, Brig.-Gen. John Adams came up the val- 
ley with a regiment of Texas Rangers commanded by Col. 
John A. Wharton, and with the First Kentucky Cavalry just 
in the rear. He crossed the Tennessee River at Lamb's Ferry, 
and proceeding across the country attacked a garrison 
stationed at Hughey's Bridge on the Nashville and Deca- 
tur Railroad. Here Huey's company had its first fight. 

The enemy was barricaded in a large log barn or stable, 
near the bridge, which was inclosed by a rail fence with 
stakes and riders. The command dismounted and sur- 
rounded the enemy. This was a bloody fight for more than 
an hour. Finally we charged the barn on three sides. As 
I straddled the top rail of the fence going over, Ida Younger, 
at my side, was shot in the forehead and fell outside, 



46 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

dead. At this moment the First Kentucky arrived at full 
speed, and Captain Noel at the head of his company, 
mounted, came through the gate. They at once received the 
enemy's fire and Captain Noel was among the killed. The 
garrison now surrendered when we were within a few steps 
of the barn. 

Adams returned now to the Tennessee River, but found 
the way blocked by the enemy's infantry and artillery. He 
then turned and ran the gauntlet of the garrisons and went 
into camp at the foot of the mountains beyond Decherd. 
But the second day the enemy approached in pursuit. We 
made an all-night ride across the mountains to Swedens 
Cove, but to our surprise at about lo o'clock in the forenoon 
we discovered that we were nearly surrounded. Adams 
and his staff were cut oft', but escaped by a mountain path. 
The command was stampeded for several miles and then 
leisurely proceeded across the Sequatchie Valley ten miles, 
and continuing across the mountain arrived before morning 
at Chattanooga. 

It occurred to Captain Huey's company that we now had 
some actual experience in the war. We had been in a hot 
fight at close range; we had been marched without sleep 
to the point of starvation, and had been surprised and 
stampeded, disgracefully, and all this within five days' time. 
But we were not discouraged. We enjoyed everything that 
happened. 

Our encampment above Chattanooga, a few miles, was 
comfortable and prolonged, but without noteworthy inci- 
dent. We had nothing to do but think of the war. It 
was a bitter memory to recall the action of the generals 
in command at Fort Donelson and the death of Albert 
Sidney Johnston. And all the news from Middle Tennessee 
and Kentucky was distressing. 

But having communication with Knoxville and Atlanta 
we were still rejoicing over the news from Stonewall Jackson 
in the Shenandoah Valley. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 47 

Since this campaign of Jackson is omitted (along with 
the first and second battles of Manassas) from the "sum- 
mary" of the battles of the war by General Buell which is 
quoted in Chapter 49, it may be pardonable to sketch it here. 

The operations of the armies in Virginia under Stonewall 
Jackson, Robert E. Lee and Joseph E. Johnston had been 
active and had defeated several armies since the first great 
victory of Bull Run. 

In March, 1862, Stonewall Jackson was near Winchester, 
with about 5,000 men of all arms to hold the enemy in that 
section. General Shields with over 8,000 men attacked 
Jackson a few miles south of Winchester at Kernstown. 
After a sanguinary battle which lasted till night, Jackson 
retreated up the Valley. General Ewell's division was sent 
to reinforce Jackson, which increased the force to about 
15,000 of all arms before the first of May. 

At this time General Fremont on the west was concen- 
trating about 30,000 men at Franklin. He had advanced 
General Milroy with about 5,000 men to a point within 
forty miles of Staunton, which was Jackson's base. 
General Banks with 20,000 men, including the force of 
Shields, had established his base at Strasburg, seventy miles 
dow:i the Valley from Staunton. General McDowell with 
about 35,000 men occupied points immediately east of the 
Blue Ridge, where he was in position to enter the Valley 
by any of the gaps and march upon Staunton or could march 
to the assistance of McClellan on the Chickahominy. 

Jackson with his 15,000 men, located at Port Republic 
in the early part of May, was thus confronted by three 
armies aggregating over 80,000 men. Johnston had con- 
centrated about 70,000 men in front of Richmond to contest 
the advance of McClellan's army of over 100,000 men. 

Jackson suddenly marched through a gap of the Blue 
Ridge, and loading his army on the cars went to Staunton. 
He immediately marched northwest and fell upon Milroy and 
Schenck, within twenty-five miles of Staunton, whom he 
defeated and sent flying back on Fremont at Franklin, forty 



48 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

miles west. Meanwhile, Jackson had left Gen. Turner Ash- 
by with his cavalry to annoy the enemy in the Valley. Jack- 
son now fell back toward Harrisonburg in the Valley. He 
reached New Market within three days. 

He promptly moved, May 23d, upon the forces of General 
Banks at Front Royal, which he surprised and routed. This 
placed Jackson in the rear of Banks, at Strasburg, who did 
not wait, but began at once a retreat to Winchester. Jack- 
son struck his flank at Newtown, May 24th, routing the 
forces and capturing a large number of prisoners, 9,000 
stands of arms, camp equipage, and a great quantity of provi- 
sions, ammunition and other army supplies. Jackson 
chased Banks through Winchester, where there was an en- 
gagement, but Banks went on and crossed the Potomac into 
Maryland. A Federal force of 7,000 or 8,000 were fortified 
at Harper's Ferry, and Jackson threatened it with assault 
long enough for the property captured at Winchester and 
Newtown to be removed to Staunton. 

Fremont was now marching with about 15,000 men to- 
ward Harrisonburg, seventy miles in Jackson's rear, on the 
Valley road to Staunton. Jackson sent Gen. John D. Im- 
boden with Ashby's cavalry and some artillery to block the 
gap and hold Fremont back. It forced Fremont around to 
another gap, but when he got into the Valley and reached 
Strasburg, Jackson had just passed, and went on to Har- 
risonburg, closely pursued by Fremont. On May 31st John- 
ston moved out and attacked McClellan's advance, and the 
two days' battle of Seven Pines or Fair Oaks was fought, in 
which General Johnston was wounded, though achieving 
success. Meanwhile, the Washington authorities were in a 
state of terror, and General Shields was sent by McDowell 
with a large force to the assistance of Fremont. Jackson 
now sent cavalry detachments, which burned all the bridges 
on the Shenandoah River, below Port Republic, to prevent 
Shields from crossing. The water was now too deep to ford. 
Fie then retreated toward Port Republic with Fremont at 
his heels. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 49 

At Cross Keys, six miles from Harrisonburg, Jackson 
turned suddenly and gave battle, defeating Fremont, who 
retreated. Jackson left Ewell here, on the battlefield, with a 
force to confront Fremont if he returned. Gen. Turner 
Ashby was killed in this battle, June 8th. Jackson summoned 
Imboden with his force of artillery and cavalry to Port Re- 
public and marched his force to that place. The enemy, 
from McDowell's army, had approached from the east and 
was encamped near the town on the Lewis farm. Early 
next morning Jackson met them at the bridge and drove 
the advance back to the encampment. The battle was at 
once opened and resulted in a victory for Jackson. The 
routed enemy was pursued beyond the defile in the mountain 
by forces under General Imboden. Fremont had heard the 
noise of the battle and hurried forward from Harrison- 
burg, but Ewell falling back had rejoined Jackson and burned 
the bridge over the river behind him. When Fremont 
arrived on the other side the victory had already been won 
by Jackson and the, river could not be crossed. 

The battle of Port Republic was fought on the 9th of 
June. Thus, beginning with Milroy on the 8th of May, 
Jackson had within one month defeated and scattered all 
the forces sent against him. 

Fremont did not advance, and Jackson, on June 17th, 
leaving Generals Imboden and Robertson with a small force 
and a battery, passed from the Valley with his troops, and 
marching steadily he reached Ashland on the 25th. 

On the next morning, June 26th, General Lee's army, 
with Jackson's troops composing his left wing, moved 
against McClellan and opened the Seven Days' battles, re- 
sulting in the discomfiture and retreat of McClellan's army 
to Harrison's Landing on the James River. Meanwhile, 
just before these engagements began, Gen. J. E. B. Stuart, 
the peer of Forrest and Morgan, with his division of cavalry, 
had passed around the right flank of McClellan and scattered 
everything in his path until he made the complete circuit 
of IMcClellan's army, crossing the Chickahominy below and 



50 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

reaching Lee's army in safety. It was upon the strength 
of Stuart's observations that Lee decided to attack im- 
mediately. 

There was Httle occurring in Mississippi, though we un- 
derstood our army was being reorganized and strengthened 
under Gen. Braxton Bragg. 

The information was received that General Buell was 
advancing from Corinth up the Tennessee River in June. 
And to our relief the troops from Mississippi began to arrive 
by railroad at Chattanooga, and in fact an army was formed 
here under General Bragg. 

I was sent across the river with fifteen men to establish 
a picket post at Suck Creek, five miles from Chattanooga. 
There was just room here for the big road between the river 
and the foot of the mountain. Just a little distance beyond 
the creek the road ascended the mountain. It was twenty 
miles across to the Sequatchie Valley, where Buell's ad- 
vance was now reported. Soon after I located at Suck 
Creek to send scouts daily across the mountain. Colonel For- 
rest arrived at Chattanooga with his escort company under 
Captain Bill Forrest. He at once organized a brigade com- 
posed as follows : Colonel Wharton's Texas Rangers, 
Colonel Woodward's First Kentucky, a Georgia regiment 
under Colonel Lawton, and a Georgia battalion under 
Colonel Morrison. 

About the lotli of July General Bragg sent Forrest to 
Middle Tennessee to attack Buell's line of communications. 
At McMinnville Major Smith, with twO' companies under 
Captains Taylor and Waltham, joined Forrest, and his force 
now numbered fifteen hundred men. On the 12th, without 
artillery, Forrest marched from McMinnville, and at day- 
break on the 13th he captured the outposts without firing 
a gun and entered Murfreesboro. A superior force under 
Gen. T, T. Crittenden was assailed in detail and captured, 
Crittenden being taken at a hotel. The official report says 
Forrest captured "two brigadier-generals, staff and field 
officers ; burned $200,000 worth of stores ; captured sufficient 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 51 

Stores with those burned to amount to $500,000; 60 wagons, 
300 mules, 150 to 200 horses, and a field battery of four 
pieces." He then returned to McMinnville on account of 
the large number of prisoners to be guarded. 

About the same time Col. John H. Morgan, who now 
had a regiment, left Knoxville and crossed the mountains to 
Sparta, then crossed the Cumberland River and began at 
Tompkinsville, Kentucky, to capture garrisons. He rode 
all over central Kentucky, reaching within sixty miles of 
Ohio. He drew after him in pursuit 8,000 to 10,000 of the 
enemy's cavalry gathered from all parts of Kentucky. 

In his official report Colonel Morgan says: 

I left Knoxville on the 4th clay of this month (July) with 
about nine hundred men and returned to Livingston (Tenn.) on 
the 28th with nearly twelve hundred, having been absent just 
twenty-four days, during -which time I have traveled over a 
thousand miles, captured seventeen towns, destroyed all the 
government supplies and arms in them, dispersed about fifteen 
hundred home guards, and paroled nearly twelve hundred 
regular troops. I lost in killed, wounded, and missing of the 
number that I carried into Kentucky about ninety. 

It is important to observe the effect of the operations of 
Forrest and Morgan upon the situation of Buell's army. 
It is well stated by General Buell himself as follows : 

Headquarters, Army of the Ohio. 

In Camp, Huntsville, Ala., July 21st, 1862. 
General Orders, No. 32 : 

On the 13th inst. the army at Murfreesboro, under command 
of Brig.-Gen. T. T. Crittenden, late colonel of the Sixth Indiana 
Regiment, * * * -^vas captured at that place by a force of 
the enemy's cavalry variously estimated from 1,800 to 3,500. It 
appears from the best information that can be obtained, that 
Rrig.-Gen. Crittenden and Colonel Duffield, of the Ninth Mich- 
igan, with the six companies of that regiment and all of the 
cavalry, were surprised and captured early in the morning in 
the houses and streets of the town, or in their camp near by, 
with but slight resistance and without any timely warning of 
the presence of the enemy. The rest of the force, consisting 



52 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

of the Third Minnesota and the artillery under Colonel Lester, 
left its camp and took another position, which it maintained with 
but few casualties against the feeble attacks of the enemy until 
about three o'clock, when it was surrendered and marched into 
captivity. 

Take it in all its features, few more disgraceful examples 
of neglect of duty and lack of good conduct can be found in the 
history of wars. It fully merits the extreme penalty which the 
law provides for such misconduct. The force was more than 
sufficient to repel the attack effectually. The mortification 
which the army will feel at the result is poorly compensated 
by the exertion made by some — perhaps many — of the officers 
to retrieve the disgrace of the surprise. The action fit to be 
adopted with reference to those who are blamable, especially 
the officers highest in command, cannot be determined without 
further investigation. 

James B. Fry, 
Colonel and Chief of Staff. 
By command of Maj.-Gen. Buell. 

General Buell says further: 

The road from Nashville to Stevenson was completed on 
the I2th of July, and a train was started the next morning with 
supplies for the depot at Stevenson. My attention had been 
attracted to the importance of McMinnville as an outpost. It 
was at the foot of the mountain on the direct mountain road 
between Nashville and Chattanooga, and was the terminus 
of a branch railroad, twenty miles east of the Nashville and 
Chattanooga Railroad. I had just organized a new brigade at 
Murfreesboro to occupy McMinnville. On the morning of the 
13th, Forrest, with a large body of cavalry, surprised the 
brigade, killed and wounded some and captured the rest, dam- 
aged the railroad seriously, and produced alarm in Nashville 
where the force was not large. 

This was the first appearance of any large body of the enemy 
in our rear south of the Cumberland, though Morgan was at 
the same time engaged in a formidable raid in Kentucky. Nel- 
son was immediately ordered to occupy Murfreesboro and Mc- 
Minnville with his division, himself and one brigade going by 
railroad. He had just reached Murfreesboro with a portion 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 53 

of his troops when Forrest, on the i8th, appeared again on the 
railroad between him and Nashville, captured guards, and 
destroyed two more bridges. 

******* 

Our communications south of the Cumberland had been made 
secure by the distribution of the troops, but to the north the 
depredations were prosecuted witli increased vigor. Our cav- 
alry was totally insufficient to cope with these incursions, which, 
it must be said, were seldom resisted by the infantry guards 
with vigilance and resolution. On the loth of August, Morgan 
again appeared on the railroad north of Nashville, captured the 
guard of about 150 men at Gallatin, effectually disabled the tun- 
nel north of that place, and destroyed several bridges toward 
Nashville. Our communication with Louisville, on which we 
were dependent for supplies, was thus, for the present, effectu- 
ally severed. Work was immediately commenced to repair the 
damage, but the constantly recurring presence of the enemy's 
cavalry interfered so effectually as to require a large increase 
of force from the front or the rear for the defense. 

On the 1 8th a guard of a regiment belonging to Grant's com- 
mand was captured without a show of resistance at Clarksville,* 
where a considerable quantity of supplies had been deposited 
for transshipment in consequence of suspension of navigation 
by low water in the Cumberland. 

Upon hearing of Morgan's appearance again on the Cumber- 
land, north of Nashville, General R. W. Johnson, a spirited 
cavalry officer, under whose command I had assembled all the 
cavalry that was available, moved promptly in pursuit, and with 
his inferior force attacked Morgan vigorously near Hartsville. 
Johnson was defeated with a loss of 80 killed and wounded and 
75 prisoners, himself among the latter. The rest escaped and 
made their way as stragglers or in small bodies to Nashville. 

We were now reduced to ten days' rations. Our railroad com- 
munication north of Nashville had been broken for twenty days, 
and no effort was being made at Louisville to reopen it. 

The last week in August IMajor Clare, of General Hardee's 
staff, came over from Chattanooga to my post. He directed 
me to break up camp and accompany him across the moun- 
tain to find out if Buell's army was still at Battle Creek and 



♦Captured by Col. Adam R. Johnson. 



54 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Jasper. We reached the Sequatchie Valley about sunset and 
learned positively that no change had occurred in the posi- 
tion of the enemy. Major Clare left me here with Rolla 
Humphrey to remain another day, while he returned with 
the rest of my men. 

I secured all the information possible the next day, and 
starting about dark across the mountain, reached Chatta- 
nooga at sunrise. Here to my surprise I found that Bragg's 
army, about 28,000 troops, had crossed the river and marched 
over the Walden Ridge toward Nashville, and that Kirby 
Smith had already entered Kentucky from Knoxville with 
about 20,000 men. Bragg had finished crossing on the 30th. 

I at once started on the trail of Bragg's army. I was 
joined by Dr. J. B. Cowan, medical director on Forrest's 
staff. He had been left in Mississippi. We traveled to- 
gether to Burkesville, Kentucky, where he stopped to go 
another route. I found the army at Bardstown and rejoined 
my company. Captain Huey had not lost a man on the 
expedition. 

Bragg had taken Forrest's brigade and Wheeler was now 
in command of all the cavalry. 



CHAPTER V 
Battle of Perryville — Bragg and Smith evacuate Kentucky. 

General Wheeler had guarded the front during the ex- 
pedition and now reported the advance of Buell's army 
from Louisville. 

On the 2d of October the army began to move and marched 
on the Springfield pike at an early hour in the morning. 
We passed through Springfield and on to Perryville, where 
we camped. After some delay here next day we took the 
pike to Harrodsburg and went into camp just beyond in 
a large woodland along a small creek. We were now going 
directly toward Lexington from Perryville and the army 
was happy. It was rumored in camp that Bragg and Kirby 
Smith would unite their forces and a great battle would 
follow. 

I moved around among the infantry awhile to talk with 
some of those who had fought at Shiloh. I happened upon 
a mess composed of several officers and privates from 
Louisiana. Maj. J. E. Austin was in the party. He told me 
he commanded the 14th Louisiana battalion of sharpshooters. 
The interview was cut short, however. An order came to 
get ready to march. It was then 10 o'clock at night. I 
hurried back to my own company. 

We passed through Plarrodsburg about 12 or i o'clock, 
and to my surprise were in sight of Perryville again by sun- 
up. We halted and our company dismounted and rested 
on the roadside while eating a lunch and napping. I learned 
that our cavalry, under Colonel Wheeler, had been fighting 
the enemy beyond Perryville on the Springfield road in the 
afternoon before. And this morning there was more or less 
firing in that direction. It was obvious that our infantry 



56 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

was being formed over on the right of the pike in line of 
battle. The artillery was also leaving the pike on that side. 
Captain Huey came up the pike from the direction of Perry- 
ville and notified the company that we had been detailed 
as an escort for Gen. Patton Anderson, who was command- 
ing a division, and that a battle was imminent. There was 
disgust in the company over the arrangement, 

I went to Captain Huey and told him that I wanted to go 
and get with Major Austin's sharpshooters and go into the 
battle. He objected until I insisted that I did not want it 
said that I had been in the army a year without having 
fought in a battle. I reminded him that our one year ex- 
pired in two weeks. I dropped in the rear as the company 
moved off toward Perryville. I then worked along, through 
different commands, inquiring for the headquarters of Gen. 
Dan W, Adams, When I found him he pointed out the 
locality where I would find Major Austin. The Major was 
delighted to see me. I told him the circumstances that 
caused me to come to him. I proposed that he ride my 
horse and let me go as a sharpshooter. He promptly in- 
stalled me in his mess. I was furnished with the rifle and 
ammunition of one of his men who was too ill for duty. 

About noon General Adams sent for Major Austin. On 
his return the battalion was ordered under arms and in line. 
I surveyed the surrounding commands and saw there was 
a general formation. I could not see any of the enemy in 
sight, and a sharp firing to the left was the only indication 
that any was near. The battalion was soon ready and Major 
Austin mounted my horse and marched forward two or three 
hundred yards through a timbered pasture in which there 
was considerable brush and a good many stumps. We were 
then halted. I also observed other battalions or parts of 
regiments were going forward like ours. We were de- 
ployed about twenty yards apart so that our line covered the 
front of General Adams's brigade. Major Austin ordered 
the line forward. In a few minutes the enemy's cannon 
opened up and was soon firing all along the line. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 57 

We were now getting close enough to see that the Fed- 
eral line extended away to the right with a gap to the left. 
When we were within about four hundred yards of their line 
of battle, the enemy's sharpshooters opened fire on us from 
behind trees and stumps, and all along the front of their 
line, which was a long distance in both directions, but 
we moved on as though nothing had happened. The 
sharpshooters of the enemy continued their fire while we 
were halted, but our line was close behind us now, and 
suddenly the brass bands broke loose and filled the woods 
full of music, the troops began to cheer and the enemy's 
artillery began to roar. Major Austin ordered our line 
to move and with a yell we went forward. The sharp- 
shooters fired at us once more and then ran. We were halted 
to fire, and after one shot the battalion was formed in line 
within a hundred yards of the creek. The fight was already 
raging to the right and away to the left and the whole army 
was cheering. We then went forward. As we neared the 
creek the enemy's infantry line opened fire on us. Major 
Austin ordered us to go double-quick to a rock fence. The 
creek had some water in it but was easily crossed and we 
went to the fence under fire. A perfect storm of bullets 
was rained on us, or rather on the fence. 

Our own artillery was now pouring a continuous storm 
of shot and shell on the enemy's infantry line and the 
battle was hot from end to end. Major Austin, galloping 
to our left, ordered us to double-quick straight down to 
the left and right-face to the enemy. Then he yelled 
"Charge!" It was a clean spot of ground outside of the 
farm between the creek and the enemy. We went yelling 
about half way, aiming to flank the enemy at a large barn. 
Major Austin was right along on my horse. I did not see 
how he escaped. The fire in front of us and from both flanks 
was too hot and Major Austin ordered us back behind the 
rock fence. A number of our men fell in the five minutes 
we were out there. But in a moment General Adams, with 



58 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

four regiments, crossed the creek to the left, and we were 
ordered to go out to the same spot again, and did, when 
Adams brought his hne even with us. 

Meanwhile, the large barn across the orchard had been 
set on fire by the shells from our cannon. We went for- 
ward in Adams's line, all walking and firing as we went. 
The enemy broke on the left of the barn from us and General 
Adams pushed his men forward. We pressed the enemy 
back. Their line was still standing from the barn on to the 
dwelling-house, but our whole line was right up against 
them. Major Austin turned us to the right, in the rear of 
the line behind the orchard, and the enemy gave way in a 
disorderly retreat, as did the line down to our left. We 
were in a cornfield, but the cornstalks were cut and shocked. 
A ridge ran about the middle, parallel with the creek or 
front. There was about the same slope from the crest of 
the ridge to the rear as to the creek. We got to the top 
of the ridge about the time the enemy got over the back 
fence of the field and squatted behind it. Many of them 
went on that the officers could not rally. We were about 
seventy-five yards from the fence in the open. General 
Adams's whole brigade being in line. We had been firing 
all the time at thirty to fifty yards' range, but the losses were 
all on their side after we passed the barn. 

General Adams now ordered us to lie down and shoot. 
He and Major Austin were riding up and down our line 
while we exchanged volley after volley with the enemy. 
But our whole army was driving the enemy to the right and 
left and General Adams ordered a charge. Austin rode 
with us bareheaded and waving his hat. He was a charmed 
target. The enemy gave way in disorder, going down 
for fifty yards and then up a hill in a clean woods pas- 
ture. They were in a drove now like a flock of sheep, and 
we could not miss such a dense crowd. The poor fellows 
fell like leaves from trees in the fall of the year. It seemed 
to me that half of them were left on the ground in that pas- 
ture. We were now veered to the right and helped drive a 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 59 

force posted behind a fence. This ended in our favor, and 
as we pressed forward the right of our battaHon rested on a 
lane. I with others went along this lane in line, but now 
everything in front of us seemed to be routed. Reinforce- 
ments came up on the other side and we ran into another 
fight in a skirt of woods. Here we won again, capturing a 
lot of cannon and some prisoners. 

The battle, in the mean while, was a perfect storm, the 
sound of musketry never ceasing and the roar of cannon 
rolling without a break. And the yelling was continuous 
along the line of our army. We had passed through camps 
and over the dead and dying. Loose horses were running in 
all directions and wounded men were crying for help. There 
were halts and moves forward, but not as hard or hot fight- 
ing, except near another house on the lane, after the first 
two hours, as the enemy continued to give way, leaving a 
waste of everything behind that a soldier carries in battle. 
The sun had gone down and there was a lull all along the 
line. Our battalion had got somewhat mixed with other 
men in crossing or going around lots and I got separated 
from the main part, but six or eight were with me. When 
the order came to fall back we were in rather thick woods and 
I could not see Major Austin anywhere. We went on back 
with the line, which began to straggle along. Every one 
was hungry and thirsty. It must have been a mile or more, 
over the horrible battlefield, to the creek. 

It was understood that the battle would be renewed the 
following morning. Major Austin waked me late in the 
night and told me we were ordered to march. We reached 
the Harrodsburg turnpike, a mile from Perryville, soon 
after daylight. There was considerable skirmishing beyond 
Perryville some distance toward Springfield and Danville. 

The formation of brigades and divisions began to indicate 
a liattle on different ground. However, we broke ran<*'s later 
in the day and resumed the march to Harrodsburg. Taking 
leave of Major Austin and his friends I mounted my horse 
and made my way along the pike to rejoin my company. 



60 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

I camped along with different commands where I could get 
forage for my horse, and did not overtake Captain Huey's 
company for several days. We retreated through Lancaster, 
Crab Orchard, Mt. Vernon, London, Barboursville and Pine- 
ville. There was a pause for battle at Crab Orchard, but 
the retreat was continued without anything of special in- 
terest, moving leisurely along over the mountain at Cumber- 
land Gap. The troops were weary and disappointed, and 
there was no cheering when generals passed along the col- 
umn. They could not understand why Bragg and Smith 
with about 50,000 men had marched into Kentucky and 
were marching out again. 



CHAPTER VI 

Breckinridg-e at Murfrecsboro — Forrest at Franklin — Johnson 
and Martin in western Kentucky — ^John W. Foster levies on 
citizens to reimburse Union men. 

We were in camp at Knoxville two days before the ar- 
rangement was made to muster the company of Captain 
Huey out of the service. There were none who wanted to 
reorganize and reenlist to continue the experience of the 
past year. All wanted to get with Morgan. 

Our exalted ideas in the beginning, of generals command- 
ing armies, had changed. The commanders at Fort Don- 
elson, Beauregard at Shiloh, and Bragg and Smith in Ken- 
tucky had taxed our patience. Forrest and Morgan had 
been the campaigners. Morgan had been the first man in 
history to raid far in the rear of the enemy's great armies 
and successfully defy overwhelming numbers. 

The infantry soldiers felt that they had never gotten the 
worst of a battle and could not understand how Buell with 
60,000, including fresh drafted men, could frighten Bragg 
and Smith out of Kentucky when they had nearly 50,000 
men. 

I agreed with both soldiers and citizens at this time, that 
our cause was lost, by poor generalship in the West, unless 
the independence of the Confederate States should be 
acknowledged by England and France. 

I started from Knoxville with Isaac M. Bowers as my 
companion. We had agreed to go through to our homes in 
western Kentucky for a new outfit, see our families, and 
then get with Adam Johnson's regiment or go to Morgan. 

We found Gen. John C. Breckinridge with a division at 
Murfreesboro. At Franklin we found Forrest with a bri- 



62 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

gade of cavalry. At Charlotte we reached the danger line. 
We proceeded to the home of Mrs. Batson on Barton's Creek 
and g-ot a gtiide to go through the "coalings" for miles, to 
reach Palmyra, where we crossed the Cumberland. It was 
necessary now to travel paths and wagon-ways to avoid the 
cavalry of the enemy which scouted from the county-seats. 
But we reached our homes in safety. Our parents lived 
six miles apart in Hopkins County, However, the family 
could not keep my return a secret, ox\ which I depended for 
safety. The citizens of this whole county were divided into 
friends and enemies, and the feeling was bitter. Every man 
and woman was either "Secesh" or "Lincolnite," There had 
been exciting times in all this section since early spring until 
October. 

Adam R. Johnson and Robert M. Martin, two scouts, 
for General Floyd at 'Fort Donelson, and for General 
Breckinridge at Shiloh, came into this section and began to 
recruit soldiers and org^anize a command. Martin was a 
young merchant at Carlow, four miles from Dixon, the 
county-seat of Webster County, on the road from Dixon to 
Henderson. Johnson was a native of Henderson but had 
lived in Texas several years immediately preceding the war. 

When they had recruited twenty-seven men they went 
about boldly, and were chased by Federal cavalry from one 
county to another, but always managed to escape. Being 
hotly pressed, Johnson and Martin managed to slip across 
Green River above Spottsville, in Henderson County. They 
learned that there was a force of infantry at Newburg, Indi- 
ana, just above the mouth of Green River, and with their 
force of twenty-seven men were piloted through the wooded 
bottom-lands of the Ohio River on the Kentucky side to a 
point opposite Newburg. They mounted a piece of stove 
pipe two joints long on the hind part of a wagon and put it 
in position to fire on Newburg. The twenty-seven men 
were openly displayed around the artillery, moving back and 
forth from the open space into the woods to make the im- 
pression that a strong force was at hand, Johnson and 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 63 

,^artin, and Amphleus Owen took a skiff with an oarsman 
and crossed over to Newburg- with a flag- of truce. The 
Federal garrison gathered at the wharf, when the party 
landed, to see what on earth could be the matter. Johnson 
asked for the commander, who presented himself. They 
then notified him that Col. Adam R. Johnson was across 
the river with artillery and a large force and d'emanded the 
surrender of the garrison, otherwise he would shell and 
destroy the town of Newburg. A great many citizens had 
gathered in the crowd and were panic-stricken over the 
prospect. After parleying for some time the terms of sur- 
render were agreed to, being largely influenced by prominent 
citizens to save the town, and the ferry-boat was carried 
over to bring the men across to take charge of the arms. 

Meanwhile, Johnson, ]\Iartin, and Owen guarded the stack 
of arms and equipments of every description. The ferry soon 
returned with the men, and the boat being loaded with every- 
thing Johnson and Martin wanted, the remainder of the 
spoils were destroyed. The captain and his men were 
paroled, when Johnson, Martin, and Owen, taking friendly 
leave, entered their skiff and were rowed to the Kentucky 
shore. They got a light wagon and before the next day had 
dawned were far up Green River in its wildest woods, where 
the surplus was secreted, and the little band was soon on 
the other side of the river, loaded with all they could carry. 

The fame of this exploit spread rapidly, and the restless 
Southern spirits were hunting everywhere for Johnson and 
IMartin to join their command. Within a short time their 
force had grown to several hundred, and companies were 
being secretly organized in several counties to enlist with 
the proposed regiment. In a brief period a regiment was 
actually organized, with Adam R. Johnson as colonel and 
Robert M. Martin, lieutenant-colonel, and practically occu- 
pied the counties of Hopkins, Muhlenburg, McLean, Daviess, 
Henderson, Union, Webster, and Christian, at will, outside 
the county-seats, where Federal garrisons were in force too 
strong to capture. 



64 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

During the summer Johnson and Martin attacked t 
captured many garrisons and scouting commands. It was 
their tactics to surprise the enemy and never be surprised. 
Colonel Johnson was awakened one night by a messenger 
with the news that Col. James M. Shackelford, commanding 
a force of Federal cavalry, had left Madisonville to attack 
the camp. Johnson at once mounted his command and de- 
parted. 

Colonel Shackelford reached the point early in the fore- 
noon and found a deserted camp. He rested here to feed 
his horses, and in a little while the Rebel citizens began to slip 
across the waters of Wiers Creek flats, to Johnson's camp on 
Walnut Hill, loaded with breakfast for Johnson's men. One 
by one they were unloaded and pointed to a spot selected for 
prisoners. Up to the time Shackelford was ready to move 
he had caught about twenty of these patriotic Southerners in 
his net. 

The next day Colonel Johnson's regiment was thirty-five 
miles away, beyond Morganfield, and at daybreak the follow- 
ing morning surrounded and captured the garrison at Union- 
town, on the Ohio River. 

Colonel Shackelford heard of this event and went in pur- 
suit. When he reached the locality Colonel Johnson had 
retired to a secluded dense woods around Geiger's Lake in 
Union County. Shackelford moved with his command 
upon the Confederate rendezvous and an engagement ensued 
in which Colonel Shackelford was shot in the heel. Johnson 
escaped with his command in good order and without loss, 
eluding immediate pursuit. Colonel Johnson attacked the 
garrison at Clarksville, Tennessee, capturing Colonel Mason 
and his regiment, with an immense quantity of army sup- 
plies stored there for shipment by railroad to General Grant 
at Oxford, Mississippi. 

With reference to this affair General Grant says : 

On the 22d, Col. Rodney Mason surrendered Clarksville with 
six companies of his regiment. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 65 

When he was summoned to surrender by a band of guerrillas, 
his constitutional weakness came over him. He inquired the 
number of men the enemy had, and receiving:: a response indi- 
cating a force greater than his own he said if he could be 
satisfied of that fact he would surrender. Arrangements were 
made for him to count the guerrillas, and having satisfied him- 
self that the enemy had the greater force he surrendered and 
informed his subordinate at Donelson of the fact, advising him 
to do the same. The guerrillas paroled their prisoners and 
moved upon Donelson, but the officer in command at that point 
marched out to meet them and drove them away. 

The daring and successful operation of this force, for six 
months, 250 miles in the rear of Grant's army in north Mis- 
sissippi, and of Buell's at and east of Huntsville, Alabama, 
kept alive the spirits of the friends of the South and terror- 
ized the Union element all over this section of Kentucky 
between the Cumberland and Green rivers and west of the 
Louisville and Nashville Railroad to the Ohio River. It was 
the first anyhow, and perhaps the only regiment that ever 
boldly occupied territory far in the rear of the Federal armies. 

After the battle of Perryville Col. John H. Morgan swept 
down toward wes'tern Kentucky as far as Hopkinsville. 
Colonel Johnson now followed on out to Middle Tennessee 
after the retreat of Bragg's army from Kentucky, and 
attached his regiment to Morgan's forces and commanded 
one of the brigades on the Ohio raid in 1863. 

The Federals were now in undisputed possession and vis- 
ited retribution upon the "Secesh" citizens. Colonel John 
W. Foster* of Evansville, Indiana, with an Indiana regi- 
ment occupied Madisonville and notified all Southern sym- 
pathizers in the county of any standing to report at his head- 
quarters. These were required to pay an assessment of $100 
to $500 on the spot or go to prison. My father and next 
younger brother, only sixteen years old, were required to go. 
My father was assessed $200 for himself and $100 for my 



*Resided at Washington, D. C, 1905. He was Secretary of State in 
President Harrison's Cabinet, having been Minister to Mexico and 
Russia. 



66 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

brother and both required to take a non-combatant's oath. 
The receipt for the money recited that it was collected to re- 
imburse Union men who had lost horses or provisions by 
the depredations of guerrillas. The Union men were boldly 
riding around with the squads of cavalry to summon citizens 
to Foster's headquarters at Madisonville. 

This was the condition of affairs I found to exist, and I 
could not remain. I sent a message to Bowers. After be- 
ing equipped with clothing, etc., I rode my father's best 
horse away to the South again. I started at sunset through 
the woods, reaching the house of Wm. Mills, an enthusi- 
astic friend, and spent the night. The next day I crossed 
Tradewater at White's Mill and reached Allen Baker's, 
where I found Bowers. We started after supper and traveled 
all night by our now familiar route to a point near Palmyra. 
We learned, however, that a garrison of Federals was now 
stationed at Palmyra. We were directed to the right and 
arrived at the house of Squire Fletcher a while before sun- 
down. Fletcher went with us by a blind path around Mrs. 
Outlaw's place to the river bank, and shouted across to a 
man named Murray who lived in a cabin surrounded by 
timber on the opposite bank. Murray came over with his 
skiff. We stripped our horses and put our luggage in the 
skiff. Then getting in we led our horses into the water by 
halters and pushed out, swimming our horses on the upper 
side. 

At the house of Mr. Dickson, in Charlotte, we met our 
old friend John B. Walker of Madisonville, Kentucky, who 
was a refugee. His wife and two daughters, Mary and 
Blanche, were with him for a brief visit. 

We left Charlotte the next day and stopped a while in the 
afternoon at Franklin. Forrest's command still occupied 
the same position, but he was commanding a brigade of four 
regiments now, and one or two smaller commands, besides 
a battery. And this fine brigade had been recruited since 
Forrest returned from Kentucky, two months before, one 
each by Col. James W. Starnes, Col. George G. Dibrell, and 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 67 

Col. J. B. Biffle of Tennessee, and one from Alabama, by 
Col. A. A. Russell, wliich included four companies of Foi- 
rest's original regiment, that had been with him at Sacra- 
mento, Donelson, and Shiloh. 

We were greatly tempted to enlist here with Forrest, but 
concluded to go and enter the Kentucky command of Mor- 
gan, which we learned was now on the other side of Mur- 
freesboro, to which point we then proceeded. 



CHAPTER VII 

Bragg's army at Murfreesboro — Secret service for General 
Brag-g — Purchases at Lafayette, Kentucky — Surprise, flight, 
and narrow escape — Battle at Murfreesboro — Discontent in 
the army and feeling against General Bragg — Col. R. C. 
Tyler wounded — Death of Tyler — Bragg and his generals. 

At Murfreesboro we found all the commotion incident to 
a great army. The army of General Bragg had been concen- 
trated here. Among our old acquaintances Bowers met 
Maj. James M. Hawkins, commissary on the stafif of Maj.- 
Gen. Frank Cheatham. In the afternoon, when we were 
about ready to start in the direction of Morgan, Major 
Hawkins met us and I was introduced. He told Bowers 
he had just come from Col. Robert C. Tyler of Nashville, 
who was provost-general of the army, and wanted to know 
how it would suit us to enter the secret service for General 
Bragg and scout in the direction of Clarksville. After dis- 
cussing the question for a while we went with Hawkins to 
see Colonel Tyler. It was finally agreed that we would 
undertake the service, it being understood that we should 
continue to represent ourselves as discharged soldiers from 
Kentucky, as a matter of protection in case of capture. And 
to further conceal our character we should endeavor to bring 
out contraband goods of any kind that would be useful, and 
Hawkins would help us sell them at headquarters and 
otherwise so as to pay expenses. 

At this period it was almost impossible to purchase a 
pocket-knife, tooth-brush, comb, suspenders, handkerchief, 
or any of the real necessary articles used by the soldiers or 
people. There was no such thing as tea or coffee. Sub- 
stitutes for coffee were made of sweet potatoes, rye, and 
wheat. Colonel Tyler issued each of us a pass "By order 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 69 

of General Bragg," attested by himself as provost-general. 
We were thus authorized to pass through the lines of Bragg's 
army at will. It was agreed that Hawkins should receive 
one- third of the net profits of the articles we might bring out. 

Our general instructions from Colonel Tyler were that we 
should go as near Nashville as possible, on both sides of the 
Cumberland River, below the city, and all important news 
should be reported to Forrest or the commander of the post 
at Franklin, who would forward our report promptly to 
Bragg or Tyler, except when we should have supplies to 
bring through. Tyler proposed to notify Forrest of our 
mission and gave us a note to him, that was to be then de- 
stroyed, so that no writings would exist on the subject that 
might implicate us in the event of falling into the enemy's 
hands. 

We hurried on to Franklin and had the good luck to find 
General Forrest in town. He was now a brigadier-general. 
He read the note from Tyler and tore it up. We briefly told 
him our business and promised to keep him posted as we 
passed back and forth, then hastened on through Char- 
lotte to Mrs. Batson's. Here we learned from reliable citi- 
zens that the Federal company which had been stationed 
at Palmyra had gone to Clarksville, which left the river 
without a garrison between Clarksville and Dover. Scout- 
ing bodies of cavalry had made several trips to this locality 
from Clarksville within a week, arresting a number of ref- 
ugees and soldiers. And another from Dover had been along 
Yellow Creek some eight miles away. 

Bowers and I went through the "coalings" to Palmyra, 
and finding the situation clear we concluded to go across 
and on to Lafayette, Kentucky, where we could perhaps find 
a supply of such articles as we wished to buy. We made the 
trip, reaching the town just after dark. It had been learned 
that Horace Kelly carried a large stock of goods and was a 
strong Union man. So we introduced ourselves as Union 
men, from Stewart County, Tennessee, and ten miles from 
Dover. He cheerfully sold us anything we wanted. We 



7.0 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

invested $175 in silk handkerchiefs, suspenders, gents' hose, 
pocket-knives, pins, needles, combs, buttons, etc., each filling 
a two and a half bushel cotton Tsack. These we put across 
our saddles like a turn of corn was carried to mill in old 
times. We crossed over at Palmyra, and hurrying through 
the "coalings" arrived safely at Mrs. Batson's. Somewhat 
weary from the journey we concluded to rest a day. Misses 
Rebecca Abernathy and Dora Watkins were here when we 
arrived but soon departed. However, Mrs. Batson invited 
them to meet one or two others and spend the following 
day at her house, we agreeing and proposing to remain to 
meet the company. 

The next forenoon we were in the parlor awaiting the 
expected company, when Mrs. Batson appeared at the door, 
saying, "Yonder comes the Yankees." Bowers and I ran out 
into the hall and saw a company coming in a gallop up the 
lane in front about one hundred yards from the house. We 
went bareheaded out the back door and into the orchard 
and a little up hill across it to the woods. The distance from 
the back gate of the yard was near two hundred yards. 
When we were half way Bowers was perhaps ten steps ahead 
of me, as he could run the fastest. I was nearly out of 
breath. I heard the enemy behind, and looking back saw 
they were on each side of the house, throwing down the 
fence to get inside the orchard. When I got on the fence 
to go over, Bowers was out in the woods going like a deer, 
and the enemy shouting "Halt!" was coming at full speed 
not more than one hundred yards behind me now and gaining 
fast. The woods appeared n^ke-^'aijd I felt that there was 
no escape. Just outside the fence wild weeds had grown up 
between it and the woods, and going through this strip six 
or eight steps I ducked and ran to the right about thirty 
feet and then crawled back to the fence, where I lay as 
close as possible alongside the bottom rail. The pursuers 
made a gap in the fence where we got over and rushed 
forward into the woods. They were gone a long time, and 
when I heard them returning it appeared they were coming 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 71 

direct to my location. But they struck the fence I judged 
about seventy-five feet on the other side of me from the 
gap. There they made another gap into the orchard and 
went on back to the house. One or two rode along on the 
opposite side of the fence from me. They could hardly 
have seen me if they had looked down, as the rails from 
their view-point obstructed the cracks, while I peeped up 
into their faces not more than ten feet away. 

I could not determine whether they had Bowers or not, 
as part of their force went back on the outside around be- 
yond the negro cabins. I saw several of them go out into the 
stable lot, and presently they came out with our horses, 
saddled. After searching the house and getting our saddle- 
bags, but not our sacks of goods, they fell into ranks and 
rode off to the left toward the Clarksville road. Just as 
they passed the orchard they shouted, "Good-by, boys !" 
This indicated that Bowers also was safe. There were about 
forty in the company. I got up and looked all around but 
saw nothing of Bowers. Presently I heard his signal, a 
peculiar whistle, and went to him. He was in the top of a 
large fallen tree, where he had concealed himself under the 
piles of dead leaves on the ground, though several of the 
cavalrymen had ridden within a few feet of him. 

We secured horses and saddles in the neighborhood at rea- 
sonable prices and hurried through to Murfreesboro, and 
quickly disposing of our merchandise we returned to Mrs. 
Batson's without incident. A man named Dickerson had a 
somewhat run-down country store on Barton's Creek two 
miles distant. It was found that he had a stock of canned 
pine-apples, cove oysters, sardines, pepper, spice and ginger 
not ground ; a lot of hammers, hinges and other hardware ; a 
few hats and other useful articles, in the army. We bought a 
two-horse wagon load, with Confederate money, and hired a 
man to haul the load to Murfreesboro for $50 in Confederate 
money. Bowers went to Charlotte to hear from Nashville, only 
thirty miles away, and learned that a battle was being fought 
at Murfreesboro. Some one had brought the news from 



72 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Franklin to Charlotte. He went on far enough to learn that 
the battle lasted two days and that Bragg was falling back. 
We then turned our team and went to Columbia, from where 
we sent our teamster home. 

At Columbia we found that Forrest's brigade was en- 
camped near by and just returned from his famous raid into 
West Tennessee. The Federals now occupied Franklin, 
Triune and Murfreesboro, while Bragg's army was located 
at Tullahoma, with his advance posted north of Shelbyville. 
We hired a team from Mr. Miles Mays and hurried forward 
through Farmington to Shelbyville. We secured board for 
a few days at the residence of Dr. Blakemore, until we could 
dispose of our load, which, with the aid of Major Hawkins, 
was readily done at a large profit. 

We learned that the battle of Murfreesboro was the same 
old story, of winning the victory and then a retreat. It was 
Shiloh and Perryville over again. The spirit of the army 
was unbroken, but there was a universal clamor for the 
removal of Bragg. 

Major Hawkins advised us that the army would hold the 
line of Shelbyville and it was agreed that we should return 
to the "neutral zone" and endeavor to get in communica- 
tion with Nashville, on the other side, through citizens who 
might go inside the lines. 

We were sorry to learn from Major Hawkins that our 
friend Col. Robert C, Tyler, commanding his Tennessee 
regiment, in the battle, was seriously wounded and a leg 
had been amputated. It was never our pleasure to meet him 
again, though he recovered and was made a brigadier-gen- 
eral. He was killed in one of the last fights of the war at 
West Point, Georgia,* 

*"About one hundred and forty-five old war-worn soldiers were at 
the hospital at West Point, Ga., on the i6th of April, 1865, totally uncon- 
scious of General Lee's surrender on the 9th inst. General Tyler,_ of 
Tennessee, who had lost a leg at Murfreesboro, was also there sick. 
About a dozen of Waller's Charleston, South Carolina, battery, and 
fourteen of the Coupee, Louisiana, battery were also there. When the 
report came that Colonel Griffin, with two regiments of Wilson's Federal 
cavalry, a battery, and two thousand men, was marching on them, Gen- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 73 

The following authentic correspondence is given as show- 
ing that the discontent in the Army of Tennessee and of the 
citizens was recognized and definitely stated to General 
Bragg by the brigade and division commanders of his army. 

Headquarters Army of Tennessee. 

TuLLAHOMA, Tenn., January ii, 1863. 

General : Finding myself assailed in private and public, by 
the press, in private circles by officers and citizens, for the 
movement from Murfreesboro, which was resisted by me for 
some time after advised by my corps and division commanders, 
and only adopted after hearing of the enemy's reinforcements 
by large numbers from Kentucky, it becomes necessary for me 
to save my fair name, if I cannot stop the deluge of abuse 
which will destroy my usefulness and demoralize this army. 
It has come to my knowledge that many of these accusations 
and insinuations are from staff-officers of my generals, who 
persistently assert that the movement was made against the 
opinion and advice of their chiefs, and while the enemy was in 
full retreat. False or true, the soldiers have no means of 
judging me rightly or getting the facts, and the effect on them 
will be the same — a loss of confidence and a consequent demor- 
alization of the whole army. It is only through my generals 
that I can establish the facts as they exist. Unanimous as you 
were in council in verbally advising a retrograde movement, I 
can not doubt but that you will cheerfully attest the same in 
writing. I desire that you will consult your subordinate com- 
manders and be candid with me, as I have always endeavor' d 
to prove myself with you. If I have misunderstood your advice 
and acted against your opinions, let me know it in justice to 
yourselves. If, on the contrary, I am the victim of unjust 
accusations, say so, and unite with me in staying the malignant 
slanders being propagated by men who have felt the sting 
of discipline. 

General Smith has been called to Richmond, it is supposed, 
with a view to supersede me. I shall retire without a regret 



eral Tyler got out on his crutches and commanded all the old soldiers 
present, who could stand up, to fall in line of battle. He threw up some 
hasty breastworks, and divided the ammunition among the men, which 
amounted to forty-three rounds apiece. The enemy charged and were 
repulsed. General Tyler hobbled on his crutches along his lines, encour- 
aging his men to stand their ground and never surrender. He took no 
thought of himself. Seven of his men were killed. The enemy repeated 
their charge and were driven back again, and commenced firing from a 



74 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

if I find I have lost the good opinion of my generals, upon whom 
I have ever relied as upon a foundation of rock. 

Your early attention is most desirable, and urgently solicited. 
Most respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

Braxton Bragg, 

General C. S. A. 

I enclose copies of a joint note, received about 2 o'clock a. m., 
from Major-Generals Cheatham and Withers, on the night 
before we retired from Murfreesboro, with Lieutenant-General 
Polk's indorsement and my own verbal reply to Lieutenant 
Richmond, General Polk's aide-de-camp. 

B. B. 
Lieut. -General Hardee, 

Commanding Hardee's Corps. 

TuLLAHOMA, Tenn., 1 2th January, 1863. 
General: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
your note of 3^esterday, in which, after informing me of the 
assaults to which you are subjected, you invoke a response in 
regard to the propriety of the recent retreat from Murfrees- 
boro, and request me to consult my subordinate commanders 
in reference to the topics to which you refer. 

You also request me to consult my subordinate commanders, 
stating that General Smith has been called to Richmond with 
the view, it was supposed, to supersede you — and that you will 
retire without regret if you have lost the good opinion of your 
generals, upon whom you have ever relied as upon a foundation 
of rock. I have conferred with Major-General Breckinridge 
and Major-General Cleburne in regard to this matter, and I feel 
that frankness compels me to say that the general officers whose 
judgment you have invoked are unanimous in the opinion that a 
change in the command of this army is necessary. In this 
opinion I concur. I feel assured that this opinion is consid- 
erately formed, and with the highest respect for the purity of 

distance. First Sergeant Hearn, the only man there of the First Louisi- 
ana Infantry Regulars, C. S. A., who was then sick and wounded in the 
leg, had his arm shot off. A Minie ball struck the noble old General 
Tyler, who was standing a few paces in the rear of the Sergeant, and 
passed through the center of the forehead, killing him instantly. Then 
Captain Gonzales, of Pensacola, fell. Colonel Gillespie then took com- 
mand and fought with this little remnant of the Confederacy till their 
ammunition gave out, and the Federals, finding; there was no return to 
their fire, charged over the works and their brave defenders. They 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 75 

your motives, your energy and your personal character; but 
they are convinced, as you must feel, that the peril of the 
country is superior to all considerations. You state that the 
staff officers of your generals, joining in the public and private 
clamor, have within your knowledge persistently asserted that 
the retreat was made against the opinion and advice of their 
chiefs. I have made inquiries of the gentlemen associated 
with me, and they informed me that such statements have not 
been made or circulated by them. I have the honor, General, 
to assure you of my continued respect and consideration, and 
to remain, Your obedient servant, 

W. J. Hardee, 

Lieutenant-General. 

Official. 

T. B. Roy, Chief of Staff. 

Indorsed : Letter to General Bragg. 



then heard for the first time, from their captors, that they were fighting 
after the war was over. Their loss was about twenty killed and 
wounded ; the enemy's about forty-five. 

"The Federals, on finding who they were fighting, took good care of 
the wounded and returned the sick to the hospital. There was not a 
man among them who had not borne the hardships of four years of war, 
and had faced death in many shapes. This was only a little skirmish ; 
nobody has ever thought it worth while to mention it till now, some 
twenty years after. This tale is told by one of the old boys." (F. L. 
Richardson, in Southern Bivouac, 1885.) 



CHAPTER VIII 

Situation changed in "neutral zone" — Secret negotiations with 
the Federal commander at Clarksville — Surprised at Mrs, 
Batson's — Capture and escape — Another narrow escape — 
Escape of Bowers from prison at Clarksville. 

On the way to Columbia we overtook Captain Bill Forrest, 
at Farmington, near Duck River, who had been north of it 
with his scouts, as far as Triune. He said the Federals were 
encamped at Nolensville on the pike to Nashville. At Co- 
lumbia we found that the entire command of General Forrest 
was encamped, with the Federal advance posted at Franklin. 

We found the situation somewhat changed when we 
arrived in the neighborhood of Charlotte. Several scouting 
commands from Clarksville had been scouring the country, 
one of them coming to Charlotte. A number of Confeder- 
ates, at home on furlough, were hiding in the secluded places 
of every neighborhood. And there were a few parties of 
"Partisan Rangers" organized, that had been annoying the 
garrison at Dover. One of them was under command of a 
Captain Ray, of McLean County, Kentucky, and made its 
rendezvous on Yellow Creek, some fifteen miles from Char- 
lotte. And the Confederate conscript officers had been at work 
in the "neutral zone." These different attractions had been 
receiving attention from the Federal commanders at Dover 
and Clarksville. 

In our absence Mr. Walker had been down to Mr. Rus- 
sell's, near Palmyra. Russell as a Union man had been twice 
to Clarksville and had managed to get into the confidence of 
the commander of the garrison and post. He thought he 
could arrange with him to bring a supply of articles down the 
river or by wagon to Palmyra, that were even contraband 
of war. We went to Russell's and he heartily entered into 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 77 

an arrangement to bring out a lot of articles from Clarks- 
ville, but he wanted a partnership. We agreed to his prop- 
osition. We arranged with Russell to secure information 
for us at Clarksville. We had paid $3,000 in Confederate 
money for $1,000 in Tennessee good money, at Columbia, 
then went back to Mrs. Batson's to wait until Russell re- 
turned from Clarksville. 

Misses Abernathy and Watkins happened here again. I 
was playing chess with Miss Abernathy in the parlor, the 
rest engaged otherwise. "Yonder's the Yankees !" some one 
said, looking out toward the front. There they were sure 
enough, dismounting at the front gate about sixty feet dis- 
tant. Bowers stepped out in the hall, and all the others 
except Miss Abernathy. She was greatly distressed on my 
account. I quietly admonished her to keep quiet a moment. 
I surveyed the room. There was a large old-fashioned ma- 
hogany press, a fine piece of furniture, against the wall 
behind the door leading out into the hall. The piano, a 
couple of divans, and parlor chairs completed the articles of 
furniture in the room. I motioned Miss Abernathy to say 
nothing, then got down and crawled under the press, push- 
ing back against the wall. I then told her to leave the door 
open and go in the hall. The soldiers were talking at the 
hall door to Mr. Walker and the others by this time, and 
asked for Bowers and Headley. I slipped my pass from 
Bragg under the edge of the carpet. Mrs. Batson told the 
captain that we were there but that we had gone out from 
the parlor. They came in and searched the house from top 
to bottom. Some of them aggravated the ladies, who quar- 
reled with them all the time. 

Several soldiers walked to the parlor door, looked in, and 
seeing it was practically vacant, passed on. I heard them 
up-stairs going from room to room, and finally they cheered. 
They had found Bowers in a dark garret over the dining- 
room, where Mrs. Batson had put him through a small door, 
that connected with it, from the hall up-stairs. They had 
fun over Bowers when he came down. He was jolly, and 



78 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

put the ladies in good humor while the soldiers were still 
looking for me. They got candles and went into the cellar 
under me and prowled around among barrels and boxes, for 
some time, until they were satisfied I was not in the house. 
Some of them went out to the negro cabins and searched 
there. They filled the house and hall and seemed to be a 
good-natured lot. They finally gave me up and the captain 
ordered them to mount, our horses having been brought out 
also. One of the soldiers straggled into the parlor, and after 
looking at the chess-men a moment walked to the very large 
mirror on the mantel and looked at himself. The mirror 
leaned forward at the top and I could see his face as plainly 
as he could see it. And in a moment he saw mine. He 
turned around quick and shouted, "Here he is !" The 
other soldiers had all started out and some were on their 
horses. I felt pretty cheap, but I got out before the others 
came in. I at once made it a good joke and got on good 
terms with the crowd. The ladies tried to enjoy the per- 
formance after we appeared so comfortable in our trouble. 

There were about sixty men in the command. It went 
from Mrs. Batson's to the Barton's Creek neighborhood, 
and chased and captured several others they had orders to 
capture. It rained during the afternoon and we all got quite 
cold and wet, though the soldiers wore gum coats. 

I was riding in the ranks with Monroe Adams, who, as 
I remember, was from Casey County, Kentucky. They were 
all Kentuckians, the garrison at Clarksville being a Kentucky 
regiment. 

I saw we were now headed for Clarksville after leaving 
Mrs. Batson's, and night soon came on. The rain continued 
and most of the men began to wish they were in Clarksville. 
We had twelve miles to ride and all settled down to a dreary 
trip. I kept my guard. Adams, cheered up for an hour or 
so, when he too got stupid. It was very dark and very 
muddy. We passed through a long lane and then entered a 
woods. I could not see anything but the road dimly. After 
going perhaps a hundred yards the idea occurred to me, and 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 79 

I turned my horse into the woods and urged him forward 
with both feet jogging his sides. There was confusion in 
tlie ranks instantly and a gun fired. I did not hear any bul- 
let, but the noise frightened my horse. I suppose he thought 
it was in front, for he stopped suddenly and I went on over 
the horn of the saddle to his neck, but I got back quick and 
crowded him into the woods. I pushed through the bushes 
for fifty yards perhaps and stopped. The column of soldiers 
had been halted and every one was trying to find out what 
■was the matter. I sat on my horse and listened. The 
commander was some time discovering that a man had 
escaped, and then the trouble was to locate or identify the 
other prisoners. He lectured Adams severely and then re- 
ferring to me, said, "Let him go." He ordered all the 
soldiers who were guards to lead the horses of the prisoners. 
I calculated that they could accomplish nothing by coming 
into the woods. 

The command resumed the journey, and as the sound 
of their marching began to die away I came into the road 
and started my horse on the back track. I did not know 
the road, but the horse went right back to Mrs. Batson's 
by two o'clock that night. She and Mr. Walker insisted 
that I would be safe till morning, when she would give me 
breakfast at sunrise and I could then go to Sim Talley's, her 
son-in-law, and sleep all day. I had already fed my horse 
before I waked any one in the house. I had a change here 
and with dry clothes on I slept well till waked at dawn. I 
had my breakfast before all the family got up. As I came 
out of the dining-room and into the front hall to get my 
hat I saw about twenty-five Federal cavalry coming up the 
front lane at full speed not over one hundred yards from the 
house. I crouched close to the wall and went out the back 
door without saying a word to any one. It was but about 
twenty steps to the back yard gate into the orchard and then 
only a few steps farther on the right was a log hen-house. 
I noticed the door stood open and that there were no boards 
on the cracks. I knew I could not cross the orchard, and 



80 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

going into the hen-house chmbed up and stood on the top 
log over the door, my head reaching to the comb of the roof 
at the gable end. 

The soldiers were all round the yard on horseback within 
two or three minutes. One of them halted between the hen- 
house and the yard fence and sat there on his horse. I 
could see from his knee downward by stooping with a hand- 
hold above. Most of the men were searching the house. 
They were mad this trip and abused the family to some ex- 
tent for harboring rebels. But Mrs. Batson argued with 
the captain that we did not belong to the army. He said 
we must come to Clarksville and take the oath or leave this 
country. They searched the negro cabins and made some 
trouble down there trying to make the negroes tell where I 
was hid. They did not know. I heard one soldier say 
that one of the negro men coming from the house had met 
them in the lane and told them I was up-stairs asleep then 
and I must be hid on the premises somewhere. But finally 
the whole command mounted and rode away toward the 
Clarksville road. 

I held my position for at least three hours until a hen 
came off her nest and cackled, when Mrs. Batson came 
out there to look for eggs. I told her to put my hat and 
overcoat in the back yard at a certain spot. Walker had 
taken care qf these things for me. I got down and went 
through the yard, taking my hat and coat quickly and ran 
off to the right across the front woodland. 

Mr. Walker arranged to board at the house of Mr. Wat- 
kins, which was an elegant home. And a few days after- 
wards I went there. He went through to Russell's and 
found that he had been successful in a measure. We ar- 
ranged with Mr. Watkins for his wagon and a negro man to 
drive, whom we could trust. We intended to get the load 
from Russell's as soon afterwards as the roads would freeze, 
it being too muddy then. I did not stay about the house 
of Mr. Watkins all the time, but found a place on the hill- 
side where I had a view of all the roads that approached the 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 81 

dwelling throiig-h the coaling-s, and kept up a good camp-fire. 
One forenoon I observed a lone horseman coming, a quarter 
of a mile away. I soon recognized the familiar form of 
Ike Bowers. I went near the road and called him. He sat 
down and told me his experience. I will give it substan- 
tially, as I remember, he told the story : 

"After yon ran into the woods on the road," he said, "I 
felt that I must escape too. I thought of a good many plans 
and finally decided, as the guard was carrying my bridle 
reins, that I would slip back over my saddle behind it, and 
holding to the saddle skirt let myself off easy behind my 
horse and run into the woods. In a bunch of woods I got 
behind the saddle all right and was ready to go in a second, 
when my guard said, 'Whoa, there, get back.' And then 
he jerked the long skirt of my overcoat. He said he had 
been holding it all the time as he had an idea I would try 
some trick of that kind. I gave it up then and bided my time. 
All the prisoners in the crowd were registered at head- 
quarters in Clarksville and then sent to prison. This was in 
a lawyer's ofifice up-stairs. We entered an open stairway 
from the pavement and at the top on the right were two large 
rooms with a connecting door. 

"I learned that David Scott, our old friend from Madi- 
sonville, kept the leading hotel in town. I wrote him a 
note to come and see me. He came promptly and I arranged 
for three meals a day for myself and the other eight pris- 
oners. A servant came with the loaded waiter at the regular 
time and I fared well. The guard stood down-stairs at 
the entrance and one in the back of the hall up-stairs. These 
I observed were changed at six o'clock every evening. I 
decided on a plan to escape. The servant brought the sup- 
per at five o'clock every day. I had him to leave it yester- 
day evening because I was not then hungry, telling him he 
could take the dishes in the morning. At the same time I 
gave him a quarter. As soon as the sentinels were relieved at 
six o'clock and new men on watch I blackened my face and 
hands with charcoal from the fireplace and arranged my 



82 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

clothes SO as to look like a darky. We had already eaten 
the supper. I picked up the waiter and went down and out. 
The guard asked me where I was from. I told him I came 
from the hotel with supper for the prisoners up-stairs." 
(Bowers could imitate a darky's talk perfectly.) "I then 
went to the vacant market-house, where I put the waiter 
down and walked off. I came out of town between the 
roads all right, but got lost outside and wandered around 
in the country nearly all night, finally getting to the river 
only four miles from Clarksville. But I found a friend, 
Samuel Stewart, who put me across in a canoe fifteen miles 
from here. I walked to the first house, a cabin, and found 
the man had this white horse, which had fallen overboard 
and come ashore from a passing transport. I bought him 
for $50 in Tennessee money, with the saddle and bridle in- 
cluded in the bargain, but it was the enemy's property and 
if I had been armed I would not have paid anything for 
the horse." 

The sudden reappearance of Bowers enabled us to pro- 
ceed with our affairs. We lost no time in going to Russell's 
with a wagon and were ready for what appeared to be our 
last trip to Shelbyville, as we doubted if General Bragg's 
army would be enabled to hold its position in Middle 
Tennessee. 

We found Mr. Russell had just been to Clarksville again, 
not to obtain further supplies, immediately, but with refer- 
ence to other matters. However, it happened that his pre- 
vious close relations with the commander brought the oppor- 
tunity for a confidential conference, which resulted in an 
arrangement for unexpected facilities to handle contraband 
articles to the South. It was agreed that a friend of Russell 
in Clarksville might order from Cincinnati a shipment of 
merchandise by steamer to Clarksville, with a permit to 
deliver the consignment to Russell at Palmyra, before reach- 
ing Clarksville. The shipment was to be marked to Clarks- 
ville but consigned to Palmyra in the bill of lading. We at 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 83 

once departed with the wagon-load already at Palmyra, in 
a vacant store-room, but agreeing to secure current money 
and make the order without delay. 

At Charlotte it was determined that Mr. Walker should 
remain there with most of our Confederate money and en- 
deavor to make exchange for greenbacks or Tennessee bills. 
He arranged to board with a citizen named Trotter, near 
town, while we went on to Shelbyville as before. 

Forrest was still near Columbia and there seemed to be 
no particular change at Shelbyville when we arrived. Major 
Hawkins was delighted with the Clarksville arrangement, 
and hastily placing our load at a fair profit we left for 
Charlotte. It was deemed best for Bowers to push on and 
help Walker and Russell, while I moved leisurely with the 
team. We stopped the first night with Mr. Hill, at the 
crossing of a creek, seven miles from Columbia. We went 
on to Columbia, and as our wagon was delayed Bowers 
left me there. I called on General Forrest and told him of 
our arrangement through Russell and the colonel in Clarks- 
ville and the chance of capturing the place and then making a 
demonstration on the north side of the river against Nash- 
ville and the communications of Rosecrans. He highly 
appreciated the information. I told him we had reported 
the situation to General Bragg at Shelbyville, through Major 
Hawkins. 



CHAPTER IX 

Captured at Louisa Furnace — Capture of officers of Lee's 
army — Escape from prison and captivity in Nashville — 
Notes on Rosecrans's army — Departure from Nashville on a 
pass — Escape of other prisoners. 

I was two days in reaching Charlotte, and sending the 
team on home I went out to Mr. Trotter's. He had ex- 
changed $i,ooo in Tennessee bills, with Mr. Walker, for 
$3,000 in Confederate money. Walker and Bowers had 
gone to Mr. Watkins's. . I went on there, arriving about 
dark. I found that Walker and Bowers had gone to Mr. 
Russell's. Here I met Will Baxter, a brother of Mrs. Wat- 
kins, Robert Mockbee, her nephew, and Captain Hick John- 
son, on furlough from Lee's army in Virginia. Johnson 
was the son of Hon. Cave Johnson, who was Postmaster- 
General in the Cabinet of President James K. Polk, and was 
a cousin of Baxter and Mrs. Watkins. The home of these 
young men was in Clarksville, but they had not considered 
it safe to venture beyond this point. Two sisters. Misses 
Bettie and Nannie Garland, had come out from Clarksville 
to meet their friends. 

We did not retire till after ten o'clock and it was only twelve 
o'clock when Mockbee shook me and said ths yard was full 
of Yankees. I asked the others what they intended to do. 
Captain Johnson said there was nothing to do but surrender. 
I then arranged with them to say they never saw me before 
and knew nothing about me, and that I came there after 
supper. They lighted a candle and began to dress. I cut 
a small slit in the under side of the bed-tick and pushed my 
pass from Bragg inside without attracting the attention of 
the others. They were about dressed when the Federals 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 85 

came up. I stayed in bed perfectly unconcerned. The 
officers in charge questioned the others and got a straight 
stor}^ of their character and the reason of their presence. 
They were soon ready to go. The officer then asked John- 
son, "Who is that other man ?" Johnson answered as I had 
suggested. I then raised a Httle and said, "Good-evening." 
He spoke, asked my name, where I Hved, and what I was 
doing there. I told him my name was Williams, that I was 
from near the cotton mills on Duck River below Waverly ; 
that the conscript officers were scouring the country to take 
every one to the Southern army ; that I hid out for two weeks 
until it looked as if I could not stay there any longer and I 
was now on my way to Shawneetown, Illinois, where I 
expected to do something until the trouble was over in my 
section. He looked at my clothing and was satisfied, but 
several others came up and joined the captain's party and 
one of them recognized me as the prisoner who ran out of 
ranks on the way to Clarksville, two weeks before. He 
called Monroe Adams, who was below, and who identified 
me without hesitation. It was another joke on me, but the 
captain told me if I tried to escape this time I would be 
killed, and he gave orders accordingly. 

The command had several other prisoners, and rode 
around the neighborhood toward Palmyra for others. We 
stopped at an iron furnace about three o'clock and were 
kept sitting there in a room until morning. 

At Clarksville we were registered at headquarters and 
sent to the same prison rooms where Bowers had been con- 
fined. A great number of friends came promptly to see 
Johnson, Baxter and Mockbee, and they were furnished 
every luxury in abundance. As I was taken into their mess 
I had no occasion to notify my friends, of whom I had several 
in Clarksville. 

The next day we were taken down to the river and on 
board a steamer for Nashville. A crowd of citizens gathered 
on the wharf as we went down, and Lafayette Wilson, a 
friend from Madisonville, Kentucky, recognized me, and 



86 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

coming to greet me walked down to the boat. He touched 
me on the hand as we walked along, my guard being on the 
other side. I looked and he was trying to put a ten-dollar 
bill, of greenback money, in my hand. I thanked him in a 
whisper, telling him I did not need it. 

It was late in the afternoon when we started from Clarks- 
ville and it was sixty miles up the river to Nashville. I 
had a great many plans to escape from the boat in the night, 
but none seemed feasible. The best one, I thought, was to 
take a plank and jump overboard, but I was afraid I would 
freeze before I could paddle the plank ashore with my 
hands. When we reached Nashville the next morning we 
were marched to the State Capitol, where we were registered 
at headquarters after ten o'clock, and then marched down 
to the market square and sent up into the third story of 
the market-house building, which was used as a temporary 
prison. This was a three-story brick building. There were 
two rooms and a wide hall between on each floor. A wind- 
ing stair ran up in the hall with iron railing and banisters. 
The two rooms on the third floor were used for the pris- 
oners and about twenty guards were stationed in the hall. 
Prisoners were brought in every hour, in squads, and both 
rooms were crowded. Rosecrans's army was here and at 
Murfreesboro, and of course a few prisoners on both sides 
were taken every day. I learned from a guard that the pris- 
oners were sent North every morning at eight o'clock. I 
noticed a rather rude restaurant on the first floor as we were 
brought up. I asked the guard about it and he told me any 
of us could go down there under guard and buy a meal. 
This was good news, as the sleeping and cooking were going 
to be horrible in our prison rooms. I suggested to Baxter 
that we go down and get a hot dinner. We selected the 
youngest guard in the bunch, a boy about nineteen years old, 
to go with us. We made the guard eat with us, which he 
appreciated, and when we spoke of coming down for supper, 
he asked us to let him come with us and that arrangement 
was made. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 87 

We could see from our windows that citizens and soldiers 
crowded the pavements and army wagons crowded the 
streets. And it seemed a poor prospect for making- our 
escape even from the prison, and still worse for getting out 
of Nashville. I told Baxter in the afternoon we would go 
late to supper on the idea that we were not hungry yet, and 
after dark would try to bribe our guard to let us go in the 
crowd, while he could slip back, and this was agreed to. 
We put every small article of our baggage in our overcoat 
pockets and inside of our other clothing. 

At dark w^e went down and at the bottom of the stairs I 
turned to Baxter, as if it made no difference to the guard, 
and told him that the restaurant in the building was a sloppy 
place to eat and that we would go across the street to a 
nice restaurant. I had seen the sign from a window. Baxter 
agreed, but the guard said he was not allowed to take us 
over there. He stood by it for a long time through fear, 
only on his own account, for disobeying orders. I pleaded 
with him that in such a crowd we would not be noticed and 
they would never know up-stairs, but he had taken us to the 
river bank where he had a right to go with us. He finally 
consented. We went to a restaurant about the middle of 
the block between the market square and the Commercial 
Hotel. While there was a crowd along the pavement there 
w^ere very few in the restaurant. We sat at a table which 
stood against the wall, making room for three. The guard 
sat next to the door, Baxter next to his right, and I on the 
back side facing the guard and the front door. The cashier's 
desk was across by the opposite wall and ten feet nearer the 
front door than our table. I took the lead and ordered a 
nice supper. While we w^aited for it Baxter drew a half 
pint bottle of whiskey a friend had given him at Clarks- 
ville, and we all made a toddy. We had a good time eating 
our supper and talking about the war. 

An idea of escape occurred to me, and I finished my meal 
first and carelessly got up, saying I w^ould settle wnth the 
cashier and we would be ready to go when they were through 



88 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

eating. I walked on without any more ceremony, getting out 
my money as I went. I stood for my change with my face 
turned to the back of the restaurant so the guard would 
not be uneasy. Taking my change I fumbled with it, turn- 
ing toward our table. The guard was looking at me, so I 
took a step slowly while putting my money away. At this 
moment the guard put his fork to his mouth, bowing his 
head slightly, which took his eyes from me. I turned and 
walked to the front door so as not to attract the attention 
of passers-by. I looked back and the guard had grabbed 
his gun, which stood against the wall, and was rising hur- 
riedly, but I was out and in the crowd the same as any 
other person. I knew the guard could not leave Baxter to 
follow me, and felt safe after going a few steps as no one 
noticed me. Several details of soldiers were passing in both 
directions, but I passed on in the crowd as though I lived 
in Nashville. I went several squares toward Broad street 
and observed that I was getting into the residence part 
of town. I believed any old citizen would be a friend and I 
wanted to find one without delay. I went into the first sub- 
stantial home where there was a light. When the servant 
answered the door-bell I got a glimpse inside and observed 
a number of Federal officers in the parlor. I asked the 
servant if Mr. Wilson lived there. She said, "No, sir," and 
told me who did ; but I begged pardon, saying I was mistaken 
in the house, and excused myself. 

A little farther on I came to a small family grocery 
on the corner. I walked in, and buying a cigar sat down 
with the proprietor to smoke, which he said was agreeable. 
I soon learned that he was an old resident and a strong 
Southern sympathizer. He did not care who knew it. I 
assured myself fully and then told him the story of my 
escape. He told me of the large encampments all around 
the city on both sides of the river. I felt that it was much 
better for me to go out between picket posts and risk their 
shots in the dark if I could find any woods. He directed 
me how to go, to the left of the Charlotte pike, where I would 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 89 

probably have the best chance to evade the pickets. I fol- 
lowed his directions for fully a mile and the woodland he 
had described was in my front. As I approached a fence, at 
the edge of it I discovered tents on the other side among 
the trees. I stopped, but had been heard by a sentinel not 
more than forty feet on the inside of the fence. He shouted 
"Halt!" It was pretty dark, but I could see my way a few 
yards. I stooped and ran on tip-toe, swerving to the right, 
so that I would not be in the range if he shot where he heard 
me. It was my calculation that he would do that if he shot 
at all. However, I presume he concluded he was mis- 
taken as I heard nothing more. 

My new friend in the grocery had told me every one 
caught on the streets after ten o'clock was arrested. I 
judged it to be half past eight now, and concluded it would 
be better to abandon the idea of going out that night. The 
houses were very scattering in the neighborhood and mostly 
cottages, where I thought best not to apply for accommo- 
dations. When I got on Broad street I found it was after 
nine o'clock. I met an old darky, from whom I learned the 
location of the cemetery on the Nolensville pike inside the 
city. He said houses extended to the grounds. I went out 
that way briskly without seeing a light in any dwelling on 
the street, and began to regret that I had not tried to arrange 
with my grocery friend for lodging. I looked for his place 
again in my wanderings but failed to find it. 

At the entrance to the cemetery I stopped to look in all 
directions for a light. I was going into the cemetery and 
sit up all night among the cedars, because I did not believe 
I would be disturbed in there. But I saw a light and went 
to it. I entered the yard gate and saw a two-story dwelling 
with a hall and room in front. The light was in the front 
room. When I looked in at the window I saw a lady sitting 
at the hearth knitting and a man in bed reading by a lamp 
on a table near by. I sounded the door-bell and the lady 
came to the door with the lamp in her hand. I bowed, and 
apologized for being late, but just wanted to speak to her 



90 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

husband a minute. She appeared a Httle frightened and 
said he had retired. In a sort of pleading manner I sug- 
gested that I would not think of having him get up and 
would just go in only for a minute. She balked along and 
showed plainly that she did not want me to come in. I 
asked her what time it was and tried to relieve her of any 
apprehension. 

We were at the entrance to the door of their bed-room by 
this time, when her husband spoke up to inquire who was 
coming in. His wife quickly said she did not know. I 
laughingly said, "It's a friend; you'll be surprised to see 
me." His wife stopped in the middle of the room so the 
light would shine on my face to let her husband see if he 
could recognize me. I then candidly explained that I had 
come in for some information only because they had a light 
burning and I did not think it would be considered an 
intrusion. I felt that I did not want a gentleman to get up 
and dress to talk with me a few minutes. I then said frankly 
that I was a Confederate and told him how I had escaped 
and the predicament in which I was placed. His wife 
instantly declared that her husband had taken the oath and 
could not afford to violate it. I finally got a hearing and 
told so fair a story that the husband, Mr. Metcalf, said he 
didn't care if I was a Rebel or a Yankee or neither, if I 
simply wanted lodging and breakfast and proposed to pay 
for the accommodation he had a right to entertain me and 
would do it. After his wife became satisfied she got inter- 
ested in my story, and when we retired it was midnight. 
I was put in their best room up-stairs. Mr. Thomas Metcalf 
was the name of my host. He became thoroughly satis- 
fied that night, and when he left me it was agreed that I 
should be known to the cook, a negro woman, as the cousin 
of Mrs. Metcalf. The next morning everything was easy. 
It was agreed that I should stay there until I got tired unless 
I had a chance to leave the city. As there were no children 
in the family I felt perfectly safe. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 91 

Mr. Metcalf came home in the afternoon from his business, 
and had told a friend, who was a grocer, of my case, and 
after supper we went down town and spent an hour or so 
in the counting-room of the establishment. I arranged to 
go the next night to the store of a clothing merchant, who 
was a friend, where I could fit myself out as a citizen, in the 
style of a young man. I had been wearing my hair rather 
long and cropped around the edge. This I had shingled to 
change my appearance in every respect as much as possible. 
I then went about the city freely, having no fears except 
from Kentucky soldiers from my own locality, who might 
recognize me on sight. But I carried my discharge from 
the army for such an emergency. 

I soon realized that there was no possible way of escape 
from Nashville except to get a pass northward. There 
were over 50,000 soldiers in the army of General Rose- 
crans, from Nashville to Murfreesboro. The Confederate 
cavalry under Forrest, Morgan and Wheeler had threatened 
the east and west picket posts of the city so continually 
that three different posts were stationed on every road lead- 
ing to the country, with camp sentinels between the roads. 
During the next three weeks I visited in the neighborhood, 
with Mr. and Mrs. Metcalf, attending several social parties, 
and made very pleasant acquaintances. However, during 
the first week, I got an introduction to a Captain Rhodes, 
of Michigan, who understood from me that I was from 
Bourbon County, Kentucky, and was visiting relatives in the 
city and some in the Seventeenth Kentucky Cavalry. We 
did not talk politics, but he was led to infer that I was a 
Union man. I managed to impress the fact that I would 
need a pass when I got ready to go home and he very 
promptly volunteered to say that he would arrange that for 
me. I now cultivated this gentleman, who was a good man. 
I was introduced by him to other officers and in a general 
way, without exciting suspicion, I learned the names of all 
the brigadiers and major-generals in Rosecrans's army, not 
only those at Nashville, but at Murfreesboro, Triune, 



92 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Lavergne, Brentwood, and Franklin. I managed to meet 
men from nearly all the commands by "raking up" acquaint- 
ances in a casual way and by a little liberality at times with 
cigars and refreshments. I knew the number of brigades 
with this information, and while I did not make any notes 
there was little else on my mind and I remembered all. 

There were funerals every day in the cemetery opposite 
Metcalf's (my home), and I attended several of these to 
form casual acquaintances among the soldiers and learn their 
commands. I frequented all the hotels, where I had gen- 
erals pointed out to me by soldiers. Here I first saw Gov- 
ernor Andrew Johnson. I was now possessed of informa- 
tion on which a safe estimate could be made, within a few 
thousand, of the strength and location of the army, and I 
was ready to go out, but I could not afford to show any 
special anxiety, though I felt confident now I would have no 
trouble to use Captain Rhodes. 

I was afraid to apply too soon after his offer for fear he 
might possibly become suspicious. About the third time I 
met him, after I was ready, the matter came up and I told 
him when I wanted to start. He cheerfully went with me 
and introduced me to his personal friend, the provost-mar- 
shal, who issued the pass without hesitation. My name 
was William C. Sims during this sojourn in Nashville. 

Before going I bought a gross of good pocket-knives, of 
small size, that were put up one dozen in a package. These 
I distributed in my pockets and boot-legs. I managed also 
to conceal two dozen silk handkerchiefs in my clothes. I 
passed through two sets of pickets beyond the bridge on my 
way out on the Louisville pike. Just beyond Edgefield I 
turned off to the left on the White's Creek pike. After 
going about one mile from the pike I met an old gentleman 
on horseback. His name was Squire White. He lived on 
White's Creek near by, five miles from Nashville. He eyed 
me pretty closely and said I looked like a Rebel. I could tell 
by his look that he hoped I was one. When I concluded it 
was safe to tell him so it made me a friend. I went to his 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 93 

home to dinner. He directed me to a man two miles ahead 
whom I could get to take me to Cumberland River without 
traveling any public road. I found the place and before 
sundown I was on the bank of Cumberland River, fifteen 
miles below Nashville. I was soon rowed across in a skiff 
and spent the night at the home of Mr. Robertson. The 
next morning- he sent me to Charlotte, his son-in-law going 
with me to bring back the horse I rode. At Charlotte I 
found a company of about one hundred Confederate cavalry, 
from Forrest's command at Columbia, on a scout. 

I learned afterwards from Mrs. Watkins, at Louisa 
Furnace, that Baxter went with the guard back to the 
prison room after failing in an effort to bribe him for liberty. 
But the next night Johnson, Baxter, and Mockbee succeeded 
in making their escape, and Mrs. Watkins gave me the par- 
ticulars. I have them now from an authentic source after 
a lapse of thirty-eight years. I submit a correspondence that 
gives the story just as I heard it at the time : 

Memphis, Tenn., July 2d, 1901. 
Mr. John W. He able y, 

Louisville, Ky. 
Dear Sir : I inquired at Kentucky Headquarters during the 
late reunion of Confederate Veterans here for one Mr. Headley. 
who was captured with Major J. Hick. Johnson, Lieutenant 
William Baxter and myself, in March, 1863, at the home of Mr. 
S. D. Watkins, on the south side of Cumberland River, twelve 
miles from Clarksville, Tennessee, in Montgomery County, 
and your address was given me as the only person of the name 
known to those with whom I talked. If you are the same person 
as the one I speak of, please write me here for the next ten days 
and after that at Cornwells, S. C. Or if you know of the party 
of whom I speak, please write me as to his whereabouts, if still 
living. The Headley I knew was at that time quite a young 
man but exceedingly bright and attractive in his manners, and. 
I think, engaged in a blockade secret service for the Confed- 
erates, going in and out through the lines frequentlv. Although 
it is only a matter of good feeling I cherish for one whom I 



94 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

shared a short term of prison life with, I would be greatly 
pleased to hear from him, and especially to know that he is alive 
and prospering. 

By answering this at your convenience you will oblige, 

Yours very truly, 

R. T. MOCKBEE. 

Memphis, Tenn., July 29th, 1901. 
Mr. John W. Headley, 

Lyndon, Jefferson County, Ky. 

Dear Friend: I was more than delighted to receive your 
letter of 226. inst., directed to me at Cornwells, S. C, where I 
expected to be some time ago when I wrote you, but have been 
detained here on account of Mr. Baxter, my son-in-law, and 
family making a visit to Middle Tennessee, and he wished me 
to stay and overlook his business during their absence. 

And now, my dear friend, let me express to you my sincere 
pleasure and gratification at knowing that you are one and the 
same person as my comrade and fellow-prisoner, and especially 
that the world has used you well, and that you have been blessed 
with good health during all the years since those eventful days 
when we were together as prisoners at Clarksville and Nashville. 
I suppose in the lapse of years your memory has failed to keep 
what really occurred as to William Baxter, Major Johnson and 
myself after your escape. About the third night after you got 
away we all three went down to the "restaurant," accompanied 
by a poor "green" Yankee boy as our guard, and, after having 
our supper, in which our guard shared, we went out as if we 
were going back up-stairs into the prison. When we reached 
the entrance at the foot of the stairway we halted (as had been 
prearranged) and Major Johnson said, "Boys, we ought to have 
a bottle of brandy for to-night," and, turning to the guard, said, 
"Here, you take this money and go over to the saloon across the 
square and get us a bottle of brandy and bring it up. We will go 
on up-stairs. Just put your gun behind the door there imtil you 
come back." And the poor simpleton did just as he was told, in 
the mean time Johnson having given him a five-dollar bill. He 
walked out into the dark and Baxter and I followed him just 
as soon as we thought it safe. Major Johnson stopped to pull 
off his Confederate overcoat, which he threw behind the door, 
and took the Yank's gun to guard Baxter and me, after we got 
outside. In the mean time, Baxter and I had gotten out in the 
dark and went around the market-house on the side next to the 
river, and when Johnson came out with his gun he went the 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 95 

Other way and so missed us entirely, and putting the gun down 
he hurriedly made his way to his sister's, Mrs. Hickman, the 
mother of John P. Hickman, the present secretary of our 
Tennessee Confederate Association. And she secured a pass 
from the provost-marshal, took him over the river in a buggy, 
dressed as a lady, to a sister's, Mrs. Dortch, where he had such 
a good time he stayed too long, and an old negro servant went 
in and reported him and the Yankees sent a squad of cavalry out 
and took him in, putting him in a cell in the penitentiary, until 
he was sent North. 

Baxter and I, after getting safely away, secured us a com- 
plete outfit of the latest style citizen's clothes from a friendly 
Jew and each of us carried a well-stuffed valise. After going 
to a barber shop and getting clean shaved and trimmed up we 
sallied forth and joined a procession of people who had just 
come on the train from Louisville, and went with the largest 
crowd to the Sewanee House, then one of the leading hotels of 
the city. There we registered, Baxter as Charles H. Haynes, 
and I as John C. Smith, of Louisville, Ky., secured a room and 
a bottle of brandy, to help keep our nerves quiet, and spent the 
night. We went down to breakfast the next morning and the 
room was filled with Yankee officers, at least a hundred at 
breakfast. Afterwards we went out in the city to try to find 
some avenue of escape into the country, but failed completely 
and had to remain two days and until the third night. We suc- 
ceeded in getting a skifif and went down the river to Hagwood's 
Landing, where we stopped within ten miles of Mr. Watkins's, 
where we had been captured. I remained in that section for 
several weeks getting information, and also some recruits for 
my regiment in Virginia. I, like you, had orders from the War 
Department at Richmond, countersigned by General Lee, and 
slipped them between the feather bed and mattress, and quietly 
told Mrs. Watkins where to find them. I got back to Richmond 
just as the battle of Chancellorsville was being fought, and was 
with my command until Appomattox, with the exception of 
about two months' sickness, in 1864. 

I am, 

Very truly, your friend, 

Robert T. Mockbee. 



CHAPTER X 

Situation after return from captivity — Forrest at Palmyra — 
Wheeler at Fort Donelson — Plain talk of Forrest to 
Wheeler — Report to Forrest and Brag-g of Rosecrans's 
army — Van Dorn over Forrest and others, on the left, and 
Wheeler over Morgan and others, on the right, of Bragg's 
army — Morgan's raid to Kentucky in December, 1862 — ■ 
Infantry armies being exhausted in drawn battles and in 
camp — Spirit of vengeance — Colonel Streight marches out 
from Palmyra and encamps on Yellow Creek. 

At Charlotte I found Ike Bowers on the day of my arrival 
from the Nashville captivity. He and Walker had duly 
received the shipment from Cincinnati to Russell at Palmyra. 
Teams had been furnished by Mr. Watkins, of Louisa Fur- 
nace, and the trip was made to Shelbyville. Major Hawkins 
and Bowers had promptly disposed of the stock. I received 
$3,318 in Confederate money as my share of the profits 
from the beginning. 

I learned now that Forrest had acted on my informa- 
tion in February, and moving along our route had passed 
through the coalings to Palmyra with his command. Bowers 
had fallen in with him and acted as guide through to Rus- 
sell's. There, Forrest, being fully advised of the situation 
at Clarksville, was waiting to capture a passing transport 
and cross over the river, then to reach Clarksville within a 
few hours and capture the garrison. He would then pass 
between Ashland and Springfield, and striking the railroad 
and burning all the bridges he could destroy, and the "Mor- 
gan" tunnel, near Gallatin, north of Nashville, and then make 
his way to a crossing of the river above Hartsville or Burkes- 
ville, if necessary. But General Wheeler overtook Forrest 
at Palmyra, and, assuming command, went down to cap- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 97 

ture Dover. Bowers told me it looked to Forrest and all his 
men that Wheeler had followed to assume command and get 
the credit of a victory or a raid somewhere. Forrest and 
Morgan had made such brilliant successes of their December 
raids that Wheeler seemed anxious to "catch up." This ex- 
pedition now turned down the river and went twenty miles 
to the attack of Fort Donelson. It will be interesting to 
quote extracts from a graphic and authentic account of the 
engagement and the result from "Wyeth's Life of Forrest," 
as follows : 

Near Palmyra, Forrest, who had masked his guns and 
ambushed his men, and was all ready for a bout with any 
passing craft, was overtaken by the chief of cavalry, who 
brought with him a portion of Wharton's brigade. General 
Wheeler having concluded that the Federals had become 
apprised of the Confederate position along the river, and would 
not, for the present, send any more boats on that stream, and 
having nothing else in hand, determined upon an expedition 
for the capture of the Federal garrison at Dover. In his 
official report he says : "After maturely considering the matter, 
we concluded that nothing could be lost by an attack upon the 
garrison at Dover, and from the information that we had there 
was good reason to believe that this post could easily be 
captured." 

In the "Campaigns of General Forrest," which was edited 
under his personal supervision, it is stated that some difference 
of opinion existed as to the propriety of this attack upon the 
fort at Dover, and that General Forrest submitted to his chief 
that he was not only poorly supplied with ammunition, but that 
the effort did not promise results commensurate with the losses 
that an assault upon such a formidable position would entail, 
and earnestly advised that the effort be abandoned. The 
premonition of disaster weighed upon Forrest so heavily that on 
the morning of the engagement he spoke of the matter in strict 
confidence to his chief-of-staff. Major Charles W. Anderson, 
and to Dr. Ben Wood of Hopkinsville, Kentucky, then a 
surgreon connected with his command. He said : "I have a 
special request to make of you in regard to the proposed attack 
on Fort Donelson. I have protested against this move, but my 
protest has been disregarded, and I intend to do my whole duty, 
and I want my men to do the same. I have spoken to none but 



98 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

you on this subject, and I do not wish that any one should know 
of the objections I have made. I have this request to make : If 
I am killed in this fight, you will see that justice is done me by 
officially stating that I protested against the attack, and that I 
am not willing to be held responsible for any disaster that may 
result." (From a personal communication from Major Charles 
W. Anderson, living at Florence, Tennessee, in 1898.) Gen- 
eral Wheeler believed, however, that by a simultaneous and 
quick rush from two sides the garrison could be overcome with 
trifling loss, and immediately ordered the advance. 

General Wheeler says : "J^^t as I left General Forrest, he, 
thinking the enemy were leaving the place, and being anxious 
to run in quickly, remounted his men and charged on horseback. 
The fire from the enemy was so strong that he was repulsed and 
obliged to retire." 

The discomfited troopers were again formed for assault, this 
time on foot, and, simultaneously with the advance by Wharton's 
column, they rushed forward, Forrest again on horseback at the 
head of his dismounted detachment. * * * They pressed 
forward with courage to the breastworks, but were unable to 
gain a footing within the fort. Forrest's horse was shot down, 
being the second animal killed under him that day, and the 
General was badly shaken up in falling. A number of men 
were killed within a few feet of the breastworks. 

On the left, Wharton's command easily drove the Federals 
into their works, capturing a few prisoners and one fine twelve- 
pounder brass rifled cannon, which was brought from the field. 
The stubborn resistance made by the garrison had, however, 
succeeded in holding off their assailants until near nightfall, 
when, as General Wheeler states, his troops had a secure position 
not more than ninety yards from the main rifle-pits of the garri- 
son. Before making a third assault a conference was held, 
and it was decided that there was not enough ammunition left in 
the entire command to justify a further attack. It was also 
learned at this crisis that reinforcements for the garrison were 
arriving, and had already fired upon the Confederate outposts. 
Before retreating a detachment was sent to the river landing 
near the fort, and there set fire to a boat loaded with supplies, 
which was soon destroyed. As they retired, other details were 
made to gather up all the wounded who could be carried 
away on horseback or in wagons, and to bring off the captured 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 99 

gun and other property, among which was a generous supply 
of blankets found in the Federal quarters, which were greatly 
needed, as the weather was intensely cold. 

Major Charles W. Anderson says : "It was late when I 
reached headquarters at Yellow Creek Furnace. Arriving 
there, I asked for General Forrest. The General, recognizing 
my voice, came to the door, and as I was too near frozen to dis- 
mount, he came out and helped me down and into the house. 
Without any ceremony he went to the only bed in the room, 
jerked the covering from two officers who were occupying 
it, and brusquely ordered them to get out. My boots were 
pulled off, I was rolled up in blankets and put in the vacated bed. 
General Wharton was sitting on the side of the fireplace oppo- 
site General Wheeler, who was dictating his report to one of 
his staff. Forrest had resumed his place, lying down on his 
water-proof coat in front of the fire, his head on a turned-down 
chair and his feet well on the hearth. General Wharton said : 
'When the signal was given, my men moved forward, but were 
met with such a severe fire that, with the Fourth Georgia and 
Malone's battalion, they gave way. As we fell back I noticed the 
garrison from our side of the fort rush across to the other side 
to take part against General Forrest's attack, and, as his com- 
mand caught the fire of the entire garrison, he must have 
suffered severely.' Forrest interrupted him, saying in an 
excited and angry tone, 'I have no fault to find with my men. 
In both charges they did their duty as they have always done.' 
At this moment General Wheeler remarked, 'General Forrest, 
my report does ample justice to yourself and to your men.' 
Forrest replied, 'General Wheeler, I advised against this 
attack, and said all a subordinate officer should have said against 
it, and nothing you can say now or do will bring back my brave 
men lying dead or wounded and freezing around that fort 
to-night. I mean no disrespect to you ; you can have my sword 
if you demand it ; but there is one thing I do want you to put in 
that report to General Bragg — tell him that I will be in my coffin 
before I will fight again under your command.' Neither the 
soldier nor the man in 'Fighting Joe Wheeler' was ever more 
in evidence than on this occasion. He both knew and appre- 
ciated Forrest, admired his wonderful genius, and loved him 
devotedly. He proved this in many ways in after years. More- 
over, he knew that when the tempest was raging in this wild 
and rugged nature he could appeal to it more by gentle word and 
manner than by the strict rules of military discipline. 'For- 



100 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

rest,' he said quietly and with great feeling, 'I cannot take 
your saber, and I regret exceedingly your determination. As 
the commanding officer I take all the blame and responsibility 
for this failure.' " 



The losses at Dover on the part of the Confederates were very 
heavy for the number of the troops engaged. In Wharton's 
command 17 were killed, 60 wounded, and 8 missing.* Forrest, 
who had not quite 1,000 men in the engagement, lost in killed, 
wounded, and captured 200 ; and among these Col. Frank Mc- 
Nairy, of his staff, was killed ; Col. D. W. Holman, of Napier's 
battalion, wounded, and three captains of this command 
wounded and captured. The Federal commander, Colonel 
Lowe, on February 4th reported that 135 Confederate dead had 
been found, and that they then held 50 prisoners. Major C. W. 
Anderson says the lost officers in Starnes's Fourth Tennessee 
was so great that he was ordered to command a detachment of 
this regiment, and led it in the last charge. Colonel Harding, 
in his official report, gives his loss as 13 killed, 51 wounded, and 
46 prisoners. On the morning of February 4th the Confeder- 
ates resumed their march in the direction of Columbia. Being 
informed of the approach of a column of infantry and cavalry 
under General Jefferson C. Davis, they were compelled to make 
a wide detour in the direction of Centerville toward Duck 
River, and there succeeded in crossing this stream. On the 
17th they were once more in camp at Columbia. 

I left Bowers at Mr. Trotter's, riding Bowers's horse, 
agreeing to remain until my return from Shelbyville, where 
I proceeded with haste to send a full report of the situation, 
in and around Nashville, to General Bragg. In passing 
through to Shelbyville I forwarded a copy to General For- 
rest, who was then encamped above Columbia. I learned 
here that General Van Dorn was now commanding the 
cavalry forces on the left wing of Bragg's army. It was en- 
camped from Columbia toward Spring Hill and consisted 
of five brigades with a strength of some 6,000 men. For- 
rest was commanding a division of two brigades. 



♦Official Records, Vol. xxiii, part i, p. 41. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 101 

General Wheeler was now commanding the cavalry forces 
on the center and right flank of the army, including a division 
commanded by General Morgan. 

There had been sanguinary battles here about Spring 
Hill and the Confederates had gained decisive victories over 
all the forces sent against them. 

At Shelbyville I stopped at Dr. Blakemore's for three 
days. I arranged with Major Hawkins to take my report 
and send it forward to General Bragg at Tullahoma. Here 
I met a number of General Morgan's command and learned 
the particulars of his December raid into Kentucky. 

General Duke says : 

The results of this expedition were the destruction of the 
railroads, which has been described, the capture of eighteen 
hundred and seventy-seven prisoners, of a large number of 
stores, arms, and government property of every description. 
Our loss was only twenty-six in killed and wounded (only two 
killed) and sixty-four missing. 

It seemed to me that Morgan and Forrest had inaugurated 
the only effective warfare that had been of material advan- 
tage to the Confederacy, between the Mississippi River and 
the mountains. It seemed strange that Bragg and the gov- 
ernment would not back them in every way possible and 
encourage all other similar commands of cavalry to actually 
live in the rear of the Federal armies and even cross the 
Ohio River into every State from Iowa to Pennsylvania. 
I had heard Capt. William Forrest say at Columbia that his 
brother, General Forrest, had often remarked that it could 
be done successfully. 

I felt sure of the fact that the infantry armies would give 
out if we must rely on them to take and hold the country from 
the Mississippi River to the mountains. It was only neces- 
sary to instance our experience at Fort Donelson, Shiloh, 
Perryville, Corinth, and Murfreesboro in order to under- 



102 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Stand that our volunteer armies were already practically 
exhausted for any aggressive warfare. Our losses in killed, 
wounded, and prisoners in these battles had been about equal 
to those of the enemy, and now the Federals would not ex- 
change prisoners. They wanted to keep ours and did not 
need their own. The enemy had over two men to our one 
in the field in this department. But half of them at least 
were required to guard the railroad bridges, trestles, and 
posts in Kentucky and Tennessee against the raids of Mor- 
gan, Forrest, and other smaller cavalry commands. We 
knew that Colonels Johnson and Martin had operated, with 
never over six hundred men, between Clarksville and Hen- 
derson, Kentucky, for six months, when the nearest Con- 
federate lines were at Corinth and Chattanooga, and had 
defied thousands of the enemy, who were still stationed all 
over that section of Kentucky to intimidate the citizens and 
prevent Confederate organizations by a reign of terror. 
These ideas were not original with me. They could be heard 
in every camp and were freely spoken out by soldiers and 
by citizens. No man was ever heard to condemn the Decem- 
ber raids of Forrest into West Tennessee or of Morgan 
into Kentucky. And notably no man was ever heard to 
applaud the march of Bragg to Kentucky and back again. 
He and Kirby Smith had demonstrated that 50,000 Con- 
federates, all volunteers, and the flower of Southern man- 
hood, could not stay in Kentucky over one month. It was 
believed they were not doing any good now in Middle Ten- 
nessee. The Federals could stand equal losses of infantry 
and were glad to fight our armies on those terms. But Bragg 
somehow had learned no lesson from the experience of six 
months before when Forrest with 1,500 men and Morgan 
with 900 men had, by one month's work, reduced Buell's 
army of over 50,000 men to ten days' rations with starva- 
tion staring them in the face. They were doing this while 
Bragg with about 30,000 men rested in safety at Chatta- 
nooga. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 103 

Nearly every soldier thought Bragg ought now to go to 
Chattanooga at once and let Forrest and Morgan with 
divisions, while Duke, Wharton, Armstrong, and Johnson, 
each with a brigade, roam all over Kentucky and Tennessee 
with the 15,000 cavalry now doing nothing around the army 
except to watch the front and flanks of Bragg. They were 
willing for him to keep General Wheeler. It was believed 
by the soldiers that these veteran raiders with their veteran 
and daring troops would not only terrorize everything they 
did not capture in the rear of Rosecrans, but would recruit 
ten thousand men in the two States before the summer was 
over. Some suggested that the infantry and artillery could 
fortify and hold the mountain gaps, from Huntsville to West 
Virginia, while the cavalry harassed every army that might 
attempt to break over. And many thought horses ought to 
be brought out to mount Bragg's infantry and let it have a 
chance to win. But from my observation and the opinion 
of all the other soldiers I ever talked to on the subject, Bragg 
was the pet of the President, and would be kept in control 
until our backbone was broken. The time had already ar- 
rived when no man would volunteer to enlist in the infantry 
to serve under Bragg or any one else and no recruits could be 
had except by conscription. Morgan had enlisted or secured 
as many recruits on the Kentucky campaign as Bragg and 
Kirby Smith combined. Every man who wanted to devote 
his services and his life if necessary to the Southern cause 
was ready for active, determined warfare. It made no dif- 
ference about the weather or hardships so there was a chance 
to get the best of the enemy. But the slavish monotony of 
life in a big army, that could not now expect to gain victories 
in the West, was already abhorred and believed to be a fatal 
mistake. And then there was a spirit of vengeance being 
bred in the Southern breast by the atrocities of the invaders 
in the Southern States and by commanders of posts in Ken- 
tucky. 

In hearty sympathy with this universal feeling, I was with- 
out a settled plan. Bowers entertained the same views when 



104 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

I rejoined him near Charlotte. We concluded to leave the 
vicinity of Charlotte and watch developments for a short 
time. I bought a splendid bay mare from Mr. Nix, a black- 
smith, three miles from Charlotte, for three hundred and 
twenty-five dollars in Confederate money, and we went west 
about fifteen miles to a good neighborhood on Yellow Creek. 

We started back to Charlotte, where we thought more 
could be observed with less risk. We had not gone far until 
we learned that a large force of Federal cavalry was cross- 
ing the Cumberland River at Palmyra that morning, only 
twelve miles distant. We halted at a safe place until we 
could learn the direction the column would take. We did 
not have to wait long. 

The enemy, marching from Palmyra, suddenly appeared 
on Yellow Creek in the afternoon. We were in the highway 
when refugees reported the advance within a mile. The 
little wooded hills that bordered the creek bottoms furnished 
a secluded rendezvous and we stationed ourselves with sev- 
eral citizens about half a mile from the highway along the 
creek, on a projecting hill, where we could have an extended 
view. The column soon approached with detachments on 
each flank that galloped about from house to house and 
gathered up stock, especially mules and horses ; but the news 
went ahead of the column and the people stampeded with 
their animals. They did not come nearer than a few hundred 
yards of our hiding-place, where we sat mounted with vi- 
dettes on our flanks and a good line of retreat. But the Fed- 
erals made a sweep of everything they could use. We esti- 
mated the force at about 2,500, though the command was 
too much scattered to be counted. After it had passed we 
ventured out at sundown and learned that the force was 
under command of Colonel Streight and had encamped three 
miles up the creek. 

We camped in the neighborhood with others, getting 
supper at the house of a brother-in-law of Colonel Lock- 
hart of Dover, who was commanding a Tennessee regiment 
in the South, and met his wife here. After a casual glimpse 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 105 

of the enemy's camp we departed for Charlotte at midnight 
and reached Columbia the next evening, where we reported 
to General Forrest. He ordered a company of scouts on the 
march at once toward Centerville. But we inferred that he 
expected to follow with a stronger force. He said it would 
not be necessary for us to report to General Bragg, as he 
would send a courier post-haste. 



CHAPTER XI 

Famous raid of Col. Abel D. Streight through Alabama to 
Georgia — Famous pursuit and capture by Gen. N. B. 
Forrest — Ovation to Forrest at Rome, Georgia — Federal 
prisoners attest the kindness of Forrest. 

We went out to the house of Mr. Miles H. Mays, our 
friend, and remained a week or more, hoping General For- 
rest would be sent after Streight and we would go along. 
But it finally appeared that Forrest's scouts had lost 
Streight's track where he embarked on transports at Fort 
Henry and went up the Tennessee River. But, besides, For- 
rest had no orders to do anything else. We now returned 
to Charlotte to await events. After we had been at Mr. Tal- 
ley's about a week we heard from Columbia, that the Federals 
were marching up the Tennessee River Valley, from Tus- 
cumbia toward Decatur, opposed by General Roddey's bri- 
gade of cavalry, and that Forrest had gone to his aid. 

The pursuit of Streight by Forrest and the capture of 
his entire command was the most marvelous performance 
of the war. Forrest at no time had as many troops as 
Streight and less than one-third as many when Streight 
surrendered. The particulars are of special interest and I 
quote extracts from a graphic account from "Wyeth's Life 
of N. B. Forrest" : 

At Spring Hill, on April 23d, a message arrived from General 
Braxton Bragg, directing Forrest to make a forced march with 
his old brigade to Decatur, Alabama, and uniting there with the 
brigade of General Roddey, to take charge of all the Confeder- 
ate troops and check the Federal advance. On receipt of this 
order, Colonel Edmondson's Eleventh Tennessee was hurried 
off with directions to reach Bainbridge on the Tennessee River 
as soon as possible, cross there, and effect a junction with Rod- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 107 

dey. Following with the Fourth, Ninth, and Tenth Tennessee 
regiments, and Morton's battery, Forrest crossed the Tennes- 
see River at Brown's Ferry, near Courtland, Alabama, on the 
26th, and was soon in position to dispute the farther advance 
of General Dodge. * • * * General Dodge had pushed out 
with his legions, and on Monday, April 27th, had driven the 
Confederates across Town Creek, when he ascertained that the 
enemy were in force under Forrest on the opposite bank. 

On the 28th, although "the resistance of the enemy was very 
strong, and their sharpshooters very annoying," the Union 
commander succeeded in crossing the creek, the Confederates 
retiring toward Courtland. Notwithstanding his advantage, 
Dodge again withdrew to Town Creek that night and there 
encamped. 

It was here, about dark on the evening of the 28th of April, 
when the fighting had ceased and the Union forces were going 
into camp on Town Creek, that a well-known citizen of Tus- 
cumbia, Mr. James Moon, after a hurried ride around and 
through various Federal detachments, reached General Forrest 
with the startling intelligence that a very considerable body of 
mounted Union troops, estimated at about two thousand, had 
passed through Mount Hope in the direction of Moulton, and 
were probably now at the latter place. In his original plan, 
General Rosecrans had intended that Dodge should advance no 
farther than Tuscumbia in aid of Streight, but when at this 
point he informed the leader of the raiders that Forrest was at 
Town Creek, Streight insisted that Dodge should attack the lat- 
ter and drive him at least as far as Courtland, or even to Deca- 
tur, and thus hold Forrest off. Streight says, moreover : "It was 
understood that in the event Forrest took after me in the direc- 
tion of Moulton, Dodge and his cavalry were to follow Forrest." 
Swinging loose from all support, and taking advantage of the 
darkness of night to conceal his departure, Streight's "lightning 
brigade" marched out of Tuscumbia in the direction of Mount 
Hope on the 26th of April. 

Sergeant H. Briedenthal, of Co. A, Third Ohio Inf., says: 
"On the night of the 27th, at Mount Hope, Colonel Streight 
received the cheering news from Dodge that he had Forrest on 
the run, that he had crossed east of Town Creek, had driven 
the Confederates away, and that he must now push on. Colonel 
Streight did push on through mud and slush and rain, and late 
on the afternoon of the 28th of April woke up the sleepy village 
of Moulton with the largest procession of Union troopers that 



108 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

secluded spot had yet entertained. Here he fed and rested his 
weary cavalcade until i a. m. (29th), when, saddling up, he 
moved eastward, with Blountsville as his next objective." 

* * :)? * H^ * * 

When Forrest, at dark on the 28th of April, received the 
information as to the presence of so large a body of mounted 
troops so far detached from their main column, his quick per- 
ception took in the situation at a glance. 

^ ^ 4: N: ^ 4^ 4: 

Three days' rations were cooked, and shelled com issued 
for two days' forage. 

By one o'clock on the morning of the 29th of April all was 
ready, and as the cavalcade rode out of the town of Courtland, 
in the cold, drizzling rain which was falling and making the 
muddy roads still more difficult, there began a race and run- 
ning fight between two bodies of cavalry which, in the brilliant 
tactics of the retreat and stubbornness in defense on one side, 
and the desperate bravery of the attack and relentlessness in 
pursuit upon the other, has no analogue in military history. 

Steadily throughout that night, and well into the daylight of 
the 29th, the Confederate leader rode without a halt. 

On the morning of the 30th, Forrest, with about 1,000 of 
his command in advance, overtook Streight and his 2,000 at 
the top of Day's Gap on Sand Mountain. Forrest's men 
rushed to the attack with Capt. Bill Forrest and his company 
of scouts in the lead. They went yelling right up against 
Streight's force, which had formed to receive the onset. 
Forrest's orders were, "Shoot at everything blue and keep 
up the scare!" 

But Forrest was repulsed, and Streight, making a gallant 
charge with his whole line, drove the Confederates back. 
Among Forrest's losses was Capt. Bill Forrest, seriously 
wounded, and two pieces of artillery. 

However, Colonel Streight immediately got his command 
off and pursued his journey in the direction of Blountsville. 
In this fight fifty to seventy-five were killed and wounded on 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 109 

each side. Lieutenant-Colonel Sheets, of the Fifty-first 
Indiana, mortally wounded, was among Colonel Streight's 
losses. 

But Forrest pressed forward as before, and nine miles 
from Day's Gap came in sight of the blue-coats. A running 
fight ensued for several miles, until finally Streight was com- 
pelled to give battle at Hog's Mountain, which was desperate 
and lasted into the night and until Colonel Biffle, with a 
strong detachment, in the darkness flanked Streight and got 
in his rear. Colonel Streight now managed to escape with 
his command, leaving the two pieces of artillery behind that 
he had captured from Forrest. Forrest had one horse killed 
and two wounded under him in this desperate engagement. 

The pursuit and skirmishing was hot and continuous from 
Day's Gap to Blountsville for twenty-eight hours without 
sleep — a distance of forty-three miles. And still Forrest kept 
at the heels of the raiders. Colonel Streight says : 

After resting about two hours we resumed our march in the 
direction of Gadsden. The column had not got fairly under 
way before our pickets were driven in and a short skirmish 
ensued between Forrest's advance and our rear-guard under 
Captain Smith in the town of Blountsville. 

Forrest still crowded Streight for ten miles to the Black 
Warrior River, where Streight was obliged to fight in order 
that his men could pass the ford. Forrest got a little behind 
here but soon caught up. 

Streight reports that it was about five p. m. on the ist 
day of May when he crossed the Black Warrior. He says : 

With the exception of small parties who were continually 
harassing the rear of the column, we proceeded without further 
interruption until nine o'clock next morning. May 2d, when the 
rear-guard was fiercely attacked at the crossing of Black Creek 
near Gadsden. 

But Colonel Streight got across the wooden bridge over 
Black Creek and had it in flames before Forrest could get 
to it. 



110 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Wyeth says : 

There was no other means of crossing- the stream (deemed 
impassable except by bridge or boat) nearer than two miles. 

It now appeared that Streight would leave Forrest behind, 
but it turned out otherwise. Wyeth says further : 

Close by the roadside was a plain farm-house in which lived 
a widow and two daughters. Here a brave girl only sixteen 
years old, Emma Sanson, rode behind General Forrest, under 
fire, and showed him at a secluded place an old ford where 
he could cross his command. 

The "lost" ford was soon cleared and made passable. For- 
rest's advance-guard caught up with Streight at Gadsden, 
only four miles from Black Creek, and started him on another 
all-night march, although Colonel Streight says : 

The command was in no condition to do so. Many of our 
animals and men were entirely worn out and unable to keep up, 
and were captured. It now became evident to me that our only 
hope was in crossing the river at Rome and destroying the 
bridge, which would delay Forrest a day or two and allow the 
command a little time to sleep, without which it would be 
impossible to proceed. 

Colonel Streight being sorely pressed, set an ambuscade 
about fifteen miles from Gadsden, but Forrest was not caught 
in it in making his attack. Here Colonel Gilbert Hathaway 
was killed. He was Colonel Streight's chief support in the 
command. Colonel Streight says : 

His loss to me was irreparable. We remained in ambush but 
a short time, when the enemy, who by some means had learned 
of our whereabouts, commenced a flank movement. I then 
decided to withdraw as silently as possible. 

Wyeth says : 

From Gadsden, by a parallel route, he (Forrest) had dis- 
patched on horseback, to go right through to Rome, a courier 
who would arrive there in time to warn the citizens to guard 
or burn the bridge and thus stop the raiders. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 111 

Colonel Streight was overtaken beyond Gaylesville, where 
he had halted, as his command could go no farther. Here he 
dismounted his men and let them sleep in line of battle. 

But Forrest came up by nine a. m., and his men yelled 
incessantly to create the impression of a large force. For- 
rest now had less than six hundred men left to follow him. 
He did not attack but made a bluff. 

Colonel Streight, in his official report, says: 

Nature was exhausted. A large portion of my best troops 
actually went to sleep while lying in line of battle under a 
severe skirmish fire. 

Wyeth says: 

It was at this propitious moment that General Forrest sent 
Captain Henry Pointer, of his staff, with a flag of truce to the 
Union commander, demanding the surrender of himself and 
command. * * * Colonel Streight replied that he would meet 
General Forrest to discuss the question, and in the conference 
asked what his proposition was. Forrest replied : "Immediate 
surrender — your men to be treated as prisoners of war ; the offi- 
cers to retain their side-arms and personal property," Colonel 
Streight requested a few minutes in which to consult his officers. 
Forrest said : "All right, but you will not require much time. 
I have a column of fresh troops at hand, now nearer Rome than 
you are. You cannot cross the river in your front. I have men 
enough right here to run over you." In all of this there was 
not one word of truth ; but this is war, and in war everything is 
fair. 

Just then one piece of a section of Ferrell's battery, under 
Lieut. R. G. Jones, came in sight. 

Soon Sergeant Jackson came up with the other piece and took 
position in the other half of the roadway. 

Streight returned to his command, called his officers together, 
and talked over the situation. They voted unanimously to sur- 
render, and their commander, though personally opposed to 
it, and still ready to fight to the death, yielded to the decision 
of his subordinates. The men stacked their guns, and were 
marched away to an open field or clearing, but it was not until 
the Confederate general got his small command between the 
Federal troopers and their arms that he felt himself secure. 



112 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Moving in front, the Federal commander had cleared up the 
country of all horses and mules, and in this way kept his men 
supplied with fresh mounts. He says : "I do not think that at 
the time of the surrender we had a score of the mules drawn 
at Nashville left." On the other hand, Forrest had no oppor- 
tunity of supplying his men with animals. When, from casting 
a shoe or other injury, or from exhaustion, one of his horses 
gave out, that was the end of both man and horse as far as this 
expedition was concerned. 

Major-General Richard J. Oglesby, in his official report, says : 
"One of Dodge's men who was with Streight and escaped, says 
that when taken they were worn out, and Forrest captured 
them with five hundred men. Streight thought a large force 
was after him." 

:)c sjc jj! :): :|i :(: ^« 

General Braxton Bragg reported to the War Department, at 
Richmond: "May 3d, between Gadsden and Rome, after five 
days and nights of fighting and marching, General Forrest 
captured Colonel Streight and his whole command, about six- 
teen hundred, with rifles, horses, etc." 

The Congress of the Confederate States of America resolved 
that : "The thanks of Congress are again due to General N. B. 
Forrest and the officers and men of his command for meritorious 
service on the field, and especially for the daring skill and perse- 
verance exhibited in the pursuit and capture of the largely 
superior forces of the enemy near Rome, Georgia, etc." 

It is safe to say that there entered into Rome, Georgia, on the 
3d of May, 1863, the hungriest triumphal procession in the 
history of this borough. The victorious troops were royally 
entertained by the citizens, and the men and horses soon forgot 
the severe ordeal to which they had been subjected. Even the 
unfortunate prisoners were not neglected. Sergeant Brieden- 
thal, in his diary, from which I have already quoted, says on 
May 5th: "We have been treated well since our surrender, 
by Forrest's men, who have used us as a true soldier should 
treat a prisoner." 

This testimony of a Federal soldier as to the treatment 
of prisoners is noteworthy. 

Colonel Streight and General Dodge had just desolated 
the Alabama Valley between Eastport and Town Creek, 
as will appear from the next chapter. 



CHAPTER XII 

Conduct of the invaders — Devastation of the country in Ten- 
nessee, Alabama, and Mississippi — Cruelty to non-combatant 
sympathizers with the South. 

The army of General Bragg had now been resting over 
four months on the line of Shelbyville. General Van Dorn 
had been killed by a citizen of Spring Hill. The operations 
of Forrest between Columbia and Brentwood and of Morgan 
from McMinnville toward Lebanon had been the only 
activity in Middle Tennessee. 

But during this period the citizens of Kentucky, Missouri, 
Tennessee, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Alabama, and 
Virginia had suffered from all the horrors of war. 

It would be fair to leave the story of these features of the 
conduct of the invaders to be told by some of the Federal 
officers and commanders who issued, or executed, the orders 
to imprison and execute citizens, pillage and burn the barns, 
mills, and homes of the people, use or destroy all provisions, 
hogs, cattle, and horses, and terrorize non-combatants, and 
in fact devastate the country. I submit the testimony (taken 
from official reports) of a few of the Federal commanders 
as follows : 

Headquarters, Third Division, Fourteenth Army Corps. 

Triune, Tenn., April 15, 1863. 
Colonel : The enemy have been remarkably reserved for the 
past four days. 

Van Dorn is quiet at Spring Hill with his force. 
In the destruction of property, under the order of Major- 
General Stanley to his command to burn the houses of all citi- 



114 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

zens who have sons or near relatives in the Confederate service, 
a large amount of forage was burned. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

James B. Steedman, 
Brigadier-General Commanding, Third Division. 

Lieut.-Col. George E. Flynt^ 

Chief of Staff, Fourteenth Army Corps. 

Camp Near Murfreesboro, Tenn. 

April 1 6, 1863. 
Sir : I have the honor to submit the following report of the 
late scout to Franklin, Tenn. : 

Left camp with my command, consisting of the Second East 
Tennessee Cavalry and a detachment of the Fourth Indiana 
Cavalry, on the morning of Thursday, April 9, 1863 ; halted 
at night about four miles south of Triune. 

On the nth instant, advanced as far as where the Fourth 
U. S. Cavalry were engaged on the loth. Returned from that 
place to where we halted on the morning of the loth instant. 
Resumed march on the 13th for Murfreesborc at twelve a. m. ; 
arrived at camp at nine p. m., burning on our way ten dwell- 
ings and outhouses belonging to persons who had sons in the 
Confederate army, as per order of Major-General Stanley. 
I am, very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

D. M. Ray, 
Colonel Commanding, Third Cavalry Brigade. 

Capt. W. H. Sinclair, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 

Headquarters, District of Corinth. 

May 2, 1863. 
General : My command is coming in. I send brief report. 
We had four fights, viz., at Bear Creek, Little Bear, Leighton, 
and Town Creek. Captured about forty prisoners, 900 head of 
mules and horses, 60 bales of cotton, and a large amount of 
provisions, and destroyed at least 1,500,000 bushels of corn and 
a large quantity of bacon, three tan-yards, and five mills ; took 
the towns of Tuscumbia and Florence, and destroyed about 60 
flat-boats on Tennessee River, breaking up every ferry from 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 115 

Eastport to Courtland. A large number of refugees and 
negroes joined us, and we have rendered useless for this year 
the garden spot of Alabama. 

I turned over 500 animals to Colonel Streight, and broke 
down at least 400 more. Cattle, sheep, cows and hogs we 
captured and used by the thousands, and I did not leave a thing 
in the valley that I considered would in the least aid the enemy. 

G. M. Dodge, 

Brigadier-General. 
Maj.-Gen. R. J. Oglesby, Jackson, Tenn. 

Corinth, Miss., May 5, 1863. 
Sir : I have the honor to submit the following report of the 
expedition up the Tuscumbia Valley to Courtland, Ala. 

On my return, I burned all provisions, produce and forage, 
all mills and tan-yards, and destroyed everything that would 
in any way aid the enemy. I took stock of all kinds that I could 
find, and rendered the valley so destitute that it cannot be 
occupied by the Confederates, except provisions and forage be 
transported to them. 

G. M. Dodge, 

Brigadier-General. 
Capt. S. Wait, 
Assistant Adjutant-General, Left Wing, Sixteenth Corps. 

General Grant says : 

Up to the battle of Shiloh I, as well as thousands of other 
citizens, believed that the rebellion against the Government 
would collapse suddenly and soon, if a decisive victory could 
be gained over any of its armies. 

But when Confederate armies were collected which not only 
attempted to hold a line farther south, from Memphis to Chat- 
tanooga, Knoxville, and on to the Atlantic, but assumed the 
offensive and made such a gallant effort to regain what had 
been lost, then, indeed, I gave up all idea of saving the Union 
except by complete conquest. Up to that time it had been the 
policy of our army, certainly that portion commanded by me, 
to protect the property of the citizens whose territory was 



116 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

invaded, without regard to their sentiments, whether Union or 
Secession. After this, however, I regarded it as humane to 
both sides to protect the persons of those found at their homes, 
but to consume everything that could be used to support or sup- 
ply armies. Protection was still continued over such supplies 
as were within lines held by us and which we expected to con- 
tinue to hold ; but such supplies within the reach of Confederate 
armies I regarded as much contraband as arms or ordnance 
stores. Their destruction was accomplished without blood- 
shed and tended to the same result as the destruction of armies. 
I continued this policy to the close of the war, 

:(( 3|c H< :): ^ He ^ 

On the 20th, General Van Dorn appeared at Holly Springs, 
my secondary base of supplies, captured the garrison of 1,500 
men commanded by Colonel Murphy, of the Sth Wisconsin Reg- 
iment, and destroyed all our munitions of war, food and forage. 
The capture was a disgraceful one to the officer commanding, 
but not to the troops under him. At the same time Forrest got 
on our line of railroad between Jackson, Tennessee, and Colum- 
bus, Kentucky, doing much damage to it. 

******* 

After sending cavalry to drive Van Dorn away, my next 
order was to despatch all wagons we had, under proper escort, 
to collect and bring in all supplies of forage and food from a 
region of fifteen miles east and west of the road from our front 
back to Grand Junction, leaving two months' supplies for the 
families of those whose stores were taken. I was amazed at 
the quantity of supplies the country afforded. 

On the 2d of August I was ordered from Washington to live 
upon the country, on the resources of citizens hostile to tlie 
Government, so far as practicable. I was also directed to 
handle rebels within our lines without gloves ; to imprison them, 
or to expel them from their homes and from our lines. 
******* 

A similar and worse condition of affairs had been suffered 
by the people of Virginia during the past year, as may be 
seen from the following orders of Gen. John Pope, command- 
ing the Federal army: 



in canada and new york 117 

Headquarters of the Army of Virginia. 

July i8, 1862. 
General Orders No. 5. 

Hereafter, as far as practicable, the troops of this command 
will subsist upon the country in which their operations are 
carried on. * * * 
By command of Major-General Pope. 

George D. Ruggles^ 
Colonel, A. A.-General, and Chief of Staff. 



Headquarters Army of Virginia. 

July 18, 1862. 
General Orders No. 7. 

The people of the Valley of the Shenandoah and throughout 
the region of the operations of this army, living along the lines 
of railroad and telegraph, and along routes of travel in the rear 
of United States forces, are notified that they will be held 
responsible for any injury done the track, line, or road, or for 
any attacks upon the trains or straggling soldiers, by bands of 
guerrillas in their neighborhood. * * * Evil-disposed 
persons in the rear of our armies, who do not themselves engage 
directly in these lawless acts, encourage by refusing to interfere 
or give any information by which such acts can be prevented or 
the perpetrators punished. Safety of the Hfe and property of 
all persons living in the rear of our advancing army depends 
upon the maintenance of peace and quiet among themselves, and 
upon the unmolested movements through their midst of all per- 
taining to the military service. They are to understand dis- 
tinctly that the security of travel is their only warrant of per- 
sonal safety. * * * If a soldier or legitimate follower 
of the army be fired upon from any house, the house shall be 
razed to the ground and the inhabitants sent prisoners to the 
headquarters of this army. If such an outrage occur at any 
place distant from settlements, the people within five miles 
around shall be held accountable, and made to pay an indemnity 
sufficient for the case ; and any person detected in such out- 
rages, either during the act or at any time afterward, shall be 
shot, without waiting civil process. * * * 

By command of Major-General Pope. 

George D. Ruggles^ Colonel. 



118 confederate operations 

Headquarters Army of Virginia. 

Washington, July 23, 1862. 
General Orders No. 11. 

Commanders of army corps, divisions, brigades, and detached 
commands will proceed immediately to arrest all disloyal male 
citizens within their lines, or within their reach in the rear of 
their respective stations. 

Such as are willing to take the oath of allegiance to the 
United States, and will furnish sufficient security for its observ- 
ance, shall be permitted to remain at their homes, and pursue 
in good faith their accustomed avocations. Those who refuse 
shall be conducted south beyond the extreme pickets of the 
army, and be notified that, if found anywhere within our lines 
or at any point in the rear, they will be considered spies, and 
subjected to the extreme rigor of the military law. 
******* 

George D. Ruggles, 
Colonel, A. A.-General, and Chief of Staff. 

The operations of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler at New Orleans 
were of a different character. Much might be given in detail 
from many sources to portray the sufferings of the Southern 
people in that locality, but an extract, which is taken from 
the account of Jefferson Davis, will state the case sufificiently. 

Of New Orleans, May i, 1862, and afterwards, he says : 

The United States forces were under the command of Maj.- 
Gen. Benjamin F. Butler. Martial law was declared, and Brig.- 
Gen. George F. Shepley was appointed military governor of 
the State. 

Peaceful and aged citizens, unresisting captives, and non- 
combatants were confined at hard labor with chains attached 
to their limbs, and held in dungeons and fortresses ; others 
were subjected to a like degrading punishment for selling med- 
icine to the sick soldiers of the Confederacy. The soldiers of 
the invading force were incited and encouraged by general 
orders to insult and outrage the wives and mothers and sisters 
of the citizens ; and helpless women were torn from their homes 
and subjected to solitary confinement, some in fortresses and 
prisons — and one, especially, on an island of barren sand, under 
a tropical sun — and were fed with loathsome rations and exposed 

to vile insults. 

******* 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 119 

Egress from the city was refused to those whose fortitude 
stood the test, and even to lone and aged women and to helpless 
children; and, after being ejected from their houses and robbed 
of their property, they were left to starve in the streets or subsist 
on charity. 

By an order (No. 91), the entire property in that part of 
Louisiana west of theMississippi River was sequestrated for con- 
fiscation, and officers were assigned to the duty, with orders to 
gather up and collect the personal property, and turn over to 
the proper officers, upon their receipts, such of it as might be 
required for the use of the United States Army ; and to bring 
the remainder to New Orleans, and cause it to be sold at public 
auction to the highest bidders. This was an order which, if it 
had been executed, would have condemned to punishment, by 
starvation, at least a quarter of a million of persons, of all ages, 
sexes, and conditions. The African slaves, also, were not only 
incited to insurrection by every license and encouragement, but 
numbers of them were armed for a servile war, which in its 
nature, as exemplified in other lands, far exceeds the horrors and 
merciless atrocities of savages. In many instances the officers 
were active and zealous agents in the commission of these 
crimes, and no instance was known of the refusal of any one of 
them to participate in the outrages. 

The order of Major-General Butler, to which reference is 
made above, was as follows: 

Headquarters Department of the Gulf. 

New Orleans. 

As officers and soldiers of the United States have been sub- 
jected to repeated insults from women, calling themselves 
ladies, of New Orleans, in return for the most scrupulous non- 
interference and courtesy on our part, it is ordered hereafter, 
when any female shall, by mere gesture or movement, insult, 
or show contempt for any officers or soldiers of the United 
States, she shall be regarded and held liable to be treated as .1 
woman about town plying her vocation. 

By command of Major-General Butler, 

This order was issued on May 15, 1862, and known as 
General Order No. 28. 



120 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

As a rule no report was made of the outrages committed 
by the detachments sent out to pillage and burn by Stanley, 
Payne, Turchin, Grierson, Milroy, Hunter, Merritt, etc. 

But, No. 42, Rebellion Records, published at New York 
during the war, contains among a large number a report of 
an expedition by Colonel Montgomery, commander of a 
negro regiment on the coast of Georgia. Montgomery de- 
tailed his expedition on June 1 1, 1863, on an improvised gun- 
boat with a force of negro soldiers, up the Altamaha River 
to Darien, to pay his "compliments to the rebels of Georgia." 
As he approached the town he says he threw shells into it 
which drove the inhabitants "frightened and terror-stricken 
in every direction." Then here is what he says his negro 
soldiers did : 

Pickets were sent out to the limits of the town. Orders were 
then given to search the town, take what could be found of value 
to the vessels, and then fire it. Officers then started off in 
every direction, with squads of men, to assist. In a very short 
time every house was broken into, and the work of pillage and 
selection was begun. * * * Soon the men began to 
come in in twos, threes, and dozens, loaded with every species 
and all sorts and quantities of furniture, stores, trinkets, etc., 
etc., till one would be tired enumerating. We had sofas, tables, 
pianos, chairs, mirrors, carpets, beds, bedsteads, carpenters' 
tools, coopers' tools, law books, account books in unlimited sup- 
ply, china sets, tinware, earthenware. Confederate shin plasters, 
old letters, papers, etc., etc., etc. A private would come along 
with a slate, yard stick, and a brace of chickens in one hand, a 
table on his head, and in the other hand a rope with a cow 
attached. * * * Droves of sheep and cows were 
driven in and put aboard. * * * Darien contained 
from seventy-five to one hundred houses — not counting slave 
cabins, of which there were several to every house, the number 
varying evidently according to the wealth of the proprietor. 
One fine broad street ran along the river, the rest starting from 
it. All of them were shaded on both sides, not with young 
saplings, but good sturdy oaks and mulberries, that told of a 
town of both age and respectability. It was a beautiful town ; 
and never did it look so grand and beautiful as in its destruc- 
tion. As soon as a house was ransacked, the match was applied, 
and by six o'clock the whole town was in one sheet of flame. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 121 

* * * The South must be conquered inch by inch ; and 
what we can't put a force in to hold, ought to be destroyed. 
If we must burn the South, so be it. * * * We reached 
camp next day, Friday, about three o'clock p. m. The next 
morning the plunder was divided, and now it is scattered all 
over the camp, but put to good use the whole of it. Some of 
the quarters really look princely, with their sofas, divans, 
pianos, etc. 



CHAPTER XIII 

Organization to raid western Kentucky and recruit a regiment — 
Fight and defeat at Dixon — Return to Tennessee. 

At this period the operations of troops in Tennessee had 
been confined to the commands of Forrest and Morgan on 
the left and right wings of Bragg's army and Wheeler in 
the center. 

Our location at Charlotte was within 2J miles of Nashville. 
Nothing of interest occurred until June, when John W. 
Head of Providence, and Rev. WiUiam Dimmitt of Madison- 
vill-e, came through from their homes and reported the situa- 
tion in Kentucky. Dimmitt had been chaplain of Colonel 
Johnson's regiment. Head was a lieutenant in the regi- 
ment, but had been one of those who had been cut off and 
had been hiding about in the woods with others, expecting 
Johnson to return. Dimmitt was the foremost minister in 
his church — the Christian denomination. They reported 
great persecution of the citizens by the Federals. Mr. Dim- 
mitt's home was four miles from Madisonville and he re- 
ported the garrison to be sixty-five cavalry at that place. 

About this time Colonel Ross of West Tennessee, who had 
been wounded some months before, stopped in the neigh- 
borhood. And next came my uncle, Capt. F. M. Headley, 
from the army in Mississippi, on leave to go into Kentucky 
and endeavor to secure recruits for his company. He had 
carried out the first and only infantry company from Hop- 
kins County in 1861. 

It was suggested by Parson Dimmitt that a company of 
thirty men could make its way through the lines and capture 
the garrison at Madisonville by attacking at daylight. He 
proposed to go if the men could be gathered together. This 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 123 

expedition was at once approved. The prospects of the 
exploit filled us all with the idea that its success would enable 
us to recruit a regiment before we could be expelled from the 
territory. 

It was soon agreed that Dimmitt should be colonel, Ross, 
lieutenant-colonel. Head was to recruit a company, and 
Captain Headley likewise to serve temporarily. Bowers and 
I agreed to accompany the expedition and help. We soon 
secured the pledges of twelve in all, and within a week or 
ten days about twenty were ready, and most of them had 
arms. But no one had ammunition. Head knew where Col. 
Adam Johnson had buried two kegs of powder and several 
sacks of buckshot in a cavern not far from Cerulean 
Springs, in Trigg County, Kentucky, and he and I were 
selected to go on the trip for the supply of ammunition, 
while the others would endeavor to fill out as large a com- 
mand as possible. 

Head and I reached the cabin of our friend Murray on 
the bank of the Cumberland River on the first day, where we 
spent the night. We made a night ride of it by Brewer's Mill 
and on to Baker's near White's Bridge, where Bowers and 
I had stopped. We told Baker our plans and arranged with 
him to go to Madisonville, or go over to Thompson Hamby's 
in Hopkins County and send him to get the exact location 
of the camp of the garrison in town by the time our com- 
mand came in. The friend who assisted in the burial of the 
ammunition promptly aided us, and we soon got as much as 
we could carry in saddle-bags duly wrapped up for safe 
carriage. We traveled through by the same route and 
reached Talley's, near Charlotte, in safety. 

Arrangements were now about complete to take our depar- 
ture for Kentucky. But, unfortunately, the next day about 
ten o'clock three of our men were run out of Charlotte by 
a cavalry company of Federals. One of them, our friend 
Walker, came to Talley's, where sixteen of our company had 
met, at full speed, to give the alarm. We all mounted our 
horses and went around the farm into a dense woods, where 



124 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

we felt safe, and dismounted to await events, leaving a picket 
on our track to watch the house and road toward town. We 
had been here but a little while when we heard a noise back 
in the woods that sounded like horses coming. It was the 
Federal cavalry within seventy-five yards of us. By the 
time we got mounted we were running, and we made as much 
noise among the bushes as would be made by a hurricane. 
The woods were too thick for the enemy to shoot, even if 
ready, and no doubt they thought they were getting into 
an ambuscade. Our party stampeded about three hundred 
yards and halted on a hill in the woods, as some of the men 
had pistols and the guns were loaded. We wanted to give 
the enemy a few shots. I now discovered that in the race the 
weight of my powder and shot, being jolted, tore my saddle- 
bags apart in the middle and away went half of our supply 
of ammunition. We saw the Federals stop just in sight and 
turn back. No doubt they had expected to surprise us at the 
house and capture the crowd, which might have been an 
easy job, but since we were mounted and wide awake on a 
hill in thick woods, the matter was different. The Federals 
retraced their steps to Charlotte and returned to Clarksville 
without going to Talley's house. 

We were in trouble when we found they had picked up 
the ammunition I had lost. However, it was decided to try 
and make our way into Kentucky by traveling at night to 
the place where we left the greater part of the ammunition. 

Starting after supper, we rode through Charlotte and on 
to Barton's Creek and encamped in a secluded wood. We 
remained here a couple of days and in the interim got a 
supply of ammunition from parties on Yellow Creek, We 
then moved down near the road that leads from Clarks- 
ville to Dover on the south side of the river. Here we camped 
in a safe retreat. Colonel Brewer, a daring Confederate, 
whose command had been scattered north of Clarksville, 
joined us here, but for the trip to Christian County only. 
We now had twenty-eight in our force, exclusive of Brewer, 
and all pretty well armed with pistols and double-barreled 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 125 

shotguns. When we were ready for our march, Colonel 
Dimmitt formed the party in line and delivered a patriotic 
and inspiring address, in which he demonstrated the absolute 
necessity for strict obedience of orders and attention to duty 
even more important on this perilous raid than in an encamp- 
ment of the Regular Army. He then proposed that an oath 
be administered by which every person connected with the 
command should bind himself not to leave the ranks on the 
journey, either to visit or stop at his home, or for any other 
purpose. He invited those who were unwilling to enter 
into this obligation to ride to the front out of ranks. Not a 
man went. The oath was then administered by Colonel 
Dimmitt to all the command and then by Colonel Ross to 
Dimmitt, 

We crossed the Cumberland River at Murray's by swim- 
ming the horses after dark, and camped near Squire 
Fletcher's. We made an early start next morning and were 
across the Dover and Clarksville road by sunrise. We fol- 
lowed the private route to the Hurricane timber and rested 
until night, arranging for supper and forage in the neighbor- 
hood. We made it convenient, of course, to conceal our 
presence from all save friends on this trip, as we were now 
in the enemy's country. After night we pushed forward to 
the neighborhood of the ammunition and supplied all with 
powder and buckshot. 

At Cerulean Springs we met a party of Confederates, and 
recognized an officer as they approached. This was Lieut. - 
Col. Robert M. Martin, commander of the Tenth Kentucky 
Cavalry in Morgan's command. He told us he was wounded 
at McMinnville, Tennessee, just before Morgan started on 
the Ohio raid, and was left behind. He was shot in the 
right lung with a Minie ball, which lodged in his lung and 
was still there. He said he had been on a "fly" to the old 
stamping-ground. We offered him the command of our 
crowd if he would go back, but he declined. 

It was arranged that Colonel Dimmitt and I go off the 
road to Allen Baker's and get his report of the situation at 



126 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Madisonville. After sunset we came to the fork of the road 
and left the command, which was to travel along slowly 
across White's Bridge over Tradewater River, then to 
Charleston, four miles, and take the Madisonville road, which 
place was twelve miles farther on. 

When Dimmitt and I reached Baker's we got a good 
supper and our horses were well fed. The situation was 
unchanged at Madisonville and the camp was in an old 
livery stable. Baker belonged to Bro. Dimmitt's church in 
that locality, so I rested while they talked. We left there 
at 8 o'clock at night and jogged along four miles to White's 
Bridge, when I suggested that we should hurry on; but 
Dimmitt said he could not stand the jolting of a fast gait 
and we had plenty of time. He was elated over the idea 
of surprising the enemy at daybreak. We now knew the 
exact location of the camp, and both being familiar with the 
approach we planned every detail of the arrangement for the 
attack. 

At daylight we overtook our column six miles from Madi- 
sonville, where it had halted on the roadside in an open wood- 
land. I had been feeling discouraged and Dimmitt had 
declared that, if we were too late, we could conceal our men 
during the day and take Madisonville the next morning. The 
men were all furious when we arrived. Dimmitt made his 
explanation in a very sorrowful manner and expressed his 
painful regrets at the delay. Dimmitt proposed that we go 
through a by-road to Mrs. Kirkwood's, four miles distant, 
where we could arrange for breakfast in the woods and 
camp in a secluded place. This was decided on, and, to my 
astonishment, Dimmitt said he would go through the woods 
two miles to his home, spend a few hours with his family, 
and join us in camp during the afternoon. The command 
then devolved upon Colonel Ross and we moved away on the 
road to Mrs. Kirkwood's. 

I soon saw that the men did not intend to allow Dimmitt 
to have any further connection with our expedition. Sev- 
eral other men were as near their homes as Dimmitt, and 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 127 

yet he was the first and only one to forget his oath, taken in 
Tennessee. I felt sorry for him when I came to reflect that 
this was his first experience, but we were not in condition 
to allow him to learn the business at our expense. We 
arranged without trouble with Mrs. Kirkwood and a neigh- 
bor for breakfast, and spent the day in a secluded woods, rest- 
ing ourselves and the horses. Dimmitt did not make his 
appearance by sunset, so we recognized Colonel Ross as our 
commander, who decided to move six miles farther west and 
encamp above Stoney Point on Clear Creek, just below 
Burnett's Bridge. We moved that night across toward Provi- 
dence to wild woods in Wiers Creek flats and encamped. 
The next morning we arranged with Kerney G. Rice for 
breakfast, and he entertained us all at his hospitable home 
two and a half miles from Providence. We passed through 
Providence, exciting a good deal of curiosity, as several of 
us were at home ; but we only tarried a few moments, none 
dismounting. We took the road to Caseyville, on the Ohio 
River, but bore to the right and went to Clayville, nine miles, 
where we halted for half an hour and bought a lunch of 
cheese, crackers, and cove oysters at a family grocery. I 
bought a pocket-knife from Joel Blackwell, a Union man. 
We then turned toward Dixon, the county-seat of Webster 
County, after learning it was not occupied by a garrison. We 
traveled the ten miles to Dixon by twelve o'clock, includ- 
ing a stoppage to feed our horses. At Dixon we rested an 
hour, perhaps, and mingled with our friends among the cit- 
izens, giving it out that we were going to Providence. 

We had calculated that forty or fifty of the garrison at 
Madisonville would be on our trail about half a day behind. 
And except for an accident our idea would have been cor- 
rect. Kerney Rice, where we got breakfast, was one of my 
mess-mates at Hopkinsville and at Fort Donelson, where he 
surrendered with those who remained behind when Forrest 
took the rest of us out. When the year expired for which we 
enlisted, he was still in prison, and taking the oath of alle- 
giance was released and came home. He told me we were 



128 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

welcome to anything on his place but he was obliged, under 
his oath, to send a man to Madisonville and report us. It 
was sixteen miles, however, to Madisonville, and the Fed- 
erals could not come to the locality before night. 

It was our plan on leaving Dixon after our circuit to go 
four miles on the road toward Providence, then turn square 
to the left on the Madisonville road and follow this to the 
Shake-Rag hills, very near Madisonville, and we would go in 
next morning at daybreak and capture all that were left in 
camp, while at least half of the garrison was out on our trail. 

It happened that the man Rice sent to Madisonville met 
the pursuing force on the Rose Creek road, only six miles 
from Rice's house, near Wm. Peyton's. They questioned 
him, of course. He had been sent to report. Peyton, the 
leading Union man of that section, lived two miles from 
Nebo and knew several of us intimately. He joined in the 
chase as the guide. At most, they were only eight miles 
behind us, and followed at full speed. We rode leisurely out 
of Dixon, all the men closing up but two, who came rushing 
after us just as we reached a thick woods in the edge of the 
town on a ridge. We looked back at the first sound of run- 
ning horses and saw the two men were closely pursued by a 
company of blue-coats. Colonel Ross ordered us into the 
edge of the woods and tried to form us into line quickly. 
Our two men rushed by us and entered the woods beyond. 
The enemy came in column of fours and I heard the com- 
mander order a charge. We opened fire with our shot-guns 
when they were within fifty yards, but they did not pause. 
Colonel Ross ordered us to dismount and get behind trees. 
About half of us dismounted and balked the rush of the 
enemy. Nearly half our men had given way and Colonel 
Ross ordered us to mount. I was up in a second and off at 
full speed. Colonel Ross, I noticed, was wounded, and Cap- 
tain Headley's horse being shot, he was captured ; but Ross 
mounted and escaped. There were over fifty in the attacking 
party and not over half our men fired a gun ; but they were 
not to blame as we were taken by surprise and had no time 
to take position for a fight. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 129 

Most of the Federals, without stopping, dashed after the 
rest of us through the thick woods. I had gone about a 
hundred yards and was getting away on my fast-running 
mare, when I felt my saddle come loose. I found the girth 
had broken and I must go off with the saddle or get rid of 
it. I turned off to the right to get out of the track of the 
pursuers, and grasping my mare's mane I managed to let the 
saddle off behind. I had slacked up a little, but the blue- 
coats followed the crowd, and now I pushed forward without 
a saddle or baggage. I soon came to a field and turned to 
the right still farther, but presently came upon another fence 
running squarely to my right as far as I could see. The 
cheering Federals were a hundred yards to my left going on 
the other side of the little field after the main body of our 
men and firing all the time. I could not see far behind me 
and decided that I was hemmed in if any of the enemy were 
after me. I rode to the right some thirty yards, dismounted, 
and hitched my mare to the fence, under a tree, and ran under 
that much cover to the right until I reached the woods in a 
thick place, when I got over and climbed a sugar-tree with 
low spreading branches, that a man could not see into unless 
he got under it. From this tree I had a glimpse of my mare. 
I thought I mig'ht meet the enemy if I went in any direction. 
The cheering and shooting went on away from me until they 
appeared to be half a mile distant. I now felt safe unless 
they should look for me as they returned. But they did not 
come near me, though I could hear them going back. 

After sunset I slipped along through the woods and found 
my saddle and baggage undisturbed. Presently I heard a 
man calling cows about two hundred yards distant across the 
field, and saw that his house was not far off. I ventured out 
a short distance and called to him. He came to me and I 
recognized him as Joseph Jenkins, who had been one of my 
father's customers for merchandise in my boyhood. He 
brought me feed for my mare and a good supper, mended 
my saddle girth, and gave me a hat — I having lost mine in 
the chase. It was eight miles to my father's house. Jenkins 



130 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

directed me through the woods to the highway, and I reached 
home about nine o'clock. My parents were glad to see me 
alive after the events of the day. My father had learned 
from Providence that the Federals, after our fight, had gone 
back by way of Clayville and then to Providence, where they 
had halted a few minutes. My uncle, Captain Headley, was 
their only prisoner. His feet were tied together under the 
horse he rode, to prevent his escape. When my uncle sur- 
rendered, Wm. Peyton, the guide and acquaintance, became 
ferocious, and rushed forward to shoot him, but the captain 
of the company interfered and saved Captain Headley's life. 
After leaving Providence the Federal command came along 
the big road by my father's farm, en route to Madisonville. 

We learned the next day that a young man named Pate, 
from Tennessee, had been wounded severely during the re- 
treat and was hid in a cabin on the farm of Andrew Bruce, 
one mile from my father's house on the road to Madisonville. 
He finally recovered and went to the South. 

I managed to have inquiries made in all directions for my 
comrades, but it appeared that none had stopped in Hopkins 
County. After spending a few days at home, I started south 
again and traveled by the familiar route to Squire Fletcher's, 
and crossing by canoe at Murray's, arrived safely at the 
home of Mr. Watkins. Thus ended in disaster the expedi- 
tion of Colonel Dimmitt into Kentucky. I learned that a 
number of friends were boarding on Barton's Creek at a 
farmhouse near Dickerson's store. I went there and 
arranged to stay with the crowd a few days before proceed- 
ing toward Bragg's army at Chattanooga. I found Capt. 
John H. Christy, of the Tenth Kentucky Cavalry, and we 
traveled together, reaching the army a few days after the 
battle of Chickamauga. 



CHAPTER XIV 

Bragg's retreat from Shelbyville to Chattanooga — Wheeler's 
fight and escape at Shelbyville — Morgan starts on Ohio 
raid — Federal commanders lose Morgan in Kentucky, except 
those on his trail — Morgan crosses into Indiana, passes near 
Cincinnati — Morgan surrenders, and with his officers is 
confined in Ohio Penitentiary. 

The monotony in General Bragg's army had been broken 
by the retreat to Chattanooga, where it was now safely 
located. In the retreat from Shelbyville, General Forrest's 
command was unable to reach the bridge over Duck River in 
time to cross there, and General Wheeler, seeing that Forresi: 
was cut off, led 500 cavalry across the bridge and soon 
encountered the enemy, whom he fought back until he and his 
command were cut off from the bridge and it looked like he 
would be captured ; but Wheeler, calling upon his men to fol- 
low him, rode to the steep river bank and plunged his horse 
over into the deep water fifteen feet below. His men followed. 
Horses and riders went under and some were drowned. The 
enemy swarmed upon the bank and poured volley after vol- 
ley upon the struggling masses, but Wheeler and most of 
the men reached the other bank and escaped. Forrest, find- 
ing the enemy in his front, made a circuit and crossed his 
command over the river in safety. Now all were at Chatta- 
nooga with Bragg's army. Rosecrans's army had followed 
to the mountains. 

I now learned some of the particulars of the raid of 
General John H. Morgan and his capture in Ohio with 
about 1,800 of his command. I had heard of it in Kentucky, 
and it was said at Madisonville, his home, that Gen. James 
M. Shackelford claimed the honor of making the capture. 



132 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Althoug-h the expedition had resulted in disaster to Gen- 
eral Morgan and his command it had been of great ad- 
vantage in many ways. It had surprised and mystified the 
Federal commanders in Kentucky and terrorized Indiana 
and Ohio, besides creating widespread consternation all 
over the North, It had prevented reinforcements to Rose- 
crans and prevented the advance of Burnside through Cum- 
berland Gap to East Tennessee. The result did not alter 
the romance and grandeur of the expedition. It had 
attracted the attention of the South as well as the North 
above all other events, especially in the closing scenes, when 
it was known that he had eluded and escaped from all pur- 
suers, and had reached the Ohio River at Buffington Island, 
where it was expected he could ford the river. It was esti- 
mated that over 30,000 regular troops, besides over 50,000 
militia, were in front and rear of Morgan during the twenty- 
five days from the time he crossed the Cumberland River, 
at Burkesville, until he surrendered. It will be remembered 
that Colonel Streight with 2,000 men left Tuscumbia, and 
with a start of twenty-four hours was pursued by Forrest 
with only one small brigade, and surrendered 1,600 of his 
men at the end of five days, when Forrest had but 500 men. 

General Morgan's raid was perhaps unparalleled in the 
annals of warfare. It was intended at the outset, by Gen- 
eral Bragg, that Morgan would cross the Cumberland, 
threaten or capture Louisville, and make such a diversion 
as would hamper and check General Rosecrans, or in the 
event that Rosecrans advanced Morgan would turn upon 
his rear. But when Morgan had crossed the Cumberland 
River, half a dozen brigades of infantry and cavalry began 
to close on him from all directions. He ran the gauntlet, 
captured garrisons, burned bridges, tapped and cut telegrapli 
wires, and managed to elude and mystify the enemy as to 
his movements and the number of his troops until they had 
lost him entirely, except those on his trail. When he cap- 
tured two steamboats at Brandenberg, forty miles below 
Louisville, and crossed his command over to Indiana, it 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 133 

stampeded the enemy on the river. It was beUeved at first, 
by the Federal commanders, that Morgan had gone down 
the Ohio River on the steamboats. Even the commander 
at Cairo, Ihinois, called on the commander at Columbus, 
Kentucky, for 800 infantry reinforcements. 

Gen. Basil W. Duke, who commanded one of the two 
brigades of General Morgan's division on the Ohio raid, 
says: 

He (Morgan) had ordered me three weeks previously to send 
intelligent men to examine the fords of the upper Ohio — that 
at Buffington among them ; and it is a fact, of which others, as 
well as myself, are cognizant, that he intended — long before he 
crossed the Ohio — to make no effort to recross it, except at 
some of these fords, unless he found it more expedient, when 
he reached that region, to join General Lee, if the latter should 
still be in Pennsylvania. 

As it turned out only the unprecedented rise in the Ohio 
caused his capture — he had avoided or had cut his way through 
all other dangers. 

On the 2d of July, 1863, the crossing of the Cumberland 
began, the first brigade crossing at Burkesville and Scott's 
Ferry, two miles above, and the second crossing at Turkey-neck 
Bend. The river was out of its banks, and running like a mill- 
race. The first brigade had, with which to cross the men and 
their accoutrements, and artillery, only two crazy little flats, 
that seemed ready to sink under the weight of a single man, 
and two or three canoes. Col. Adam R. Johnson, commanding 
the Second Brigade, was not even so well provided. The horses 
were made to swim. 

Just twelve miles distant upon the other side, at Marrow- 
bone, lay Judah's cavalry, which had moved to that point from 
Glasgow, in anticipation of some such movement upon Morgan's 
part as he was now making. OUR ENTIRE STRENGTH 
WAS TWENTY-FOUR HUNDRED AND SIXTY 
EFFECTIVE MEN— THE FIRST BRIGADE NUMBER- 
ING FOURTEEN HUNDRED AND SIXTY, THE SEC- 
OND ONE THOUSAND. 

It should be observed that General Morgan and his com- 
mand appear to have been lost to the Federal commanders 



134 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

after crossing the Cumberland River. A number of official 
despatches of the Federal officers, covering this period, are 
given below : 

Lexington, Ky., July 4, 1863 — 8 a. m. 
Received 8.45 a. m. 
General Burnside : 

Following just received: 

"Marrowbone, July 3 — 8 p. m. 

"The developments of the past two hours verifies my con- 
jecture, and justifies the movements I ordered toward Columbia 
and Greensburg. The Eighth Kentucky Cavalry has been in 
Burkesville. No enemy in my front. I have arranged to have 
Mason's brigade in Glasgow by a forced march some time 
to-morrow night. Cavalry entire to precede infantry and artil- 
lery, and go on to Greensburg, Hobson's brigade I have 
ordered to follow up Shackelford. You will perceive the neces- 
sity for the different movements of the two brigades. Mor- 
gan's whole force, from 4,000 to 5,000, has advanced toward 
Columbia. If Carter can check them until my force can come, 
all will be well. I think it will, anyhow. Bacon Creek Bridge 
will be the point struck, I believe, just above Munfordville. 
I think Morgan may now be permanently disposed of, by 
checking him beyond Columbia until I can get at him and 
partly behind him. I will be in Glasgow to-morrow, and, un- 
less I receive contrary orders, continue to direct Shackelford's 
movements, as well as those of my division. Forces at Russell- 
ville and Bowling Green should be returned, and surplus con- 
centrated at Munfordville. M. H. Judah."'' 
A. E. Burnside, 

Major-General. 

Louisville, July 4, 1863 — 10.20. (Rec. 10.45.) 
General Burnside: 

If there are any troops at Indianapolis or in Ohio, had they 
not better be sent here ? Morgan has got on around our forces, 
and threatens the railroads. Morgan has 4,500 men. I have 
no force under my command to protect the road. I regret the 
troops have moved from Columbia, and believe part of Carter's 
division will have to be moved to Lebanon or other point. 
Morgan's men are mounted, and it will be difficult to engage 
them except at his option. 

J. T. Boyle, 

Brigadier-General. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 135 

Cincinnati, July 4, 1863. 
General Hartsuff, Lexington, Ky. : 

I do not think any improvement can be made upon the dispo- 
sitions made by yourself and Judah. I am satisfied there can 
be no force to come through Cumberland Gap. If we can 
succeed in whipping Morgan, it is my intention to make a quick 
and rapid movement into East Tennessee. Use all your avail- 
able force to operate against him. 

A. E. Burnside, 

Major-General. 

Louisville, July 10, 1863. 
General Hartsuff (Lexington, Ky.) : 

Wires all cut in Indiana. Morgan's force reached the rail- 
road. I cannot communicate with General Burnside. 

J. T. Boyle, 

Brigadier-General, 

Col. B. W. Duke, having surrendered with part of his 
brigade, says : 

On the next day, the 20th, we were marched down the river 
bank some ten miles to the transport which was to take us to 
Cincinnati, and she steamed off as soon as we were aboard of 
her. A portion of the Ninth Tennessee had been put across 
the river in a small flat before the fight fairly commenced and 
these men, under command of Captain Kirkpatrick, pressed 
horses and made their escape. Colonel Grigsby and Captain 
Byrnes also crossed the river here and succeeded in escaping. 
Between eleven and twelve hundred men retreated with General 
Morgan, closely pursued by Hobson's cavalry, the indefatigable 
Woolford, as usual, in the lead. Some three hundred of the 
command crossed the river at a point about twenty miles above 
Buffington. Colonel Johnson and his staff swam the river here 
and got safely ashore, with the exception of two or three of the 
latter, who were drowned in the attempt. 

The arrival of the gunboats prevented the entire force from 
crossing. General Morgan had gained the middle of the river, 
and, having a strong horse, could have gained the other shore 
without difficulty, but seeing that the bulk of his command 
would be forced to remain on the Ohio side, he returned to it. 
******* 



136 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

General Morgan surrendered in a very peculiar manner. 

In the extreme eastern part of Ohio (where he now was), 
he came into the "district" of a Captain Burbeck, who had his 
militia under arms. General Morgan sent a message to Captam 
Burbeck, under flag of truce, requesting an interview with him. 
Burbeck consented to meet him, and, after a short conference, 
General Morgan concluded a treaty with him, by which he 
(Morgan) engaged to take and disturb nothing, and do no sort 
of damage in Burbeck's district, and Burbeck, on his part, 
covenanted to guide and escort Morgan to the Pennsylvania 
line. After riding a few miles, side by side, with his host. 
General Morgan, espying a long cloud of dust rolling rapidly 
upon a course parallel with his own (about a mile distant), and 
gaining his front, thought it was time to act. So he interrupted 
a pleasant conversation by suddenly asking Burbeck how he 
would like to receive his (Morgan's) surrender. Burbeck 
answered that it would afford him inexpressible satisfaction to 
do so. "But," said Morgan, "perhaps you would not give me 
such terms as I wish." "General Morgan," replied Burbeck, 
"you might write your own terms, and I would grant them." 
"Very well, then," said Morgan, "it is a bargain. I will 
surrender to you." He accordingly surrendered to Captain 
Burbeck, of the Ohio militia, upon condition that officers and 
men were to be paroled, the latter retaining their horses, and the 
former horses and side-arms. When General Shackelford 
(Hobson's second in command, and the officer who was 
conducting the pursuit in that immediate region) arrived, he 
at once disapproved the arrangement and took measures to 
prevent its being carried into effect. Some officers, who had 
once been Morgan's prisoners, were anxious that it should be 
observed, and Woolford generously interested himself to have 
it done. The terms of this surrender were not carried out. 
The cartel (as Morgan had anticipated) had been repudiated, 
and the terms for which he had stipulated, under that 
apprehension, were repudiated also. 

Although this expedition resulted disastrously, it was, even 
as a failure, incomparably the most brilliant raid of the entire 
war. 

General James M. Shackelford, in his official report, says : 

Learning that Morgan, with about four hundred men, had 
crossed the railroad and was going in the direction of Smith's 
Ford, I ordered Major Rue to return, with the advance, to the 



IN CANx\DA AND NEW YORK 137 

head of the column, then on the New Lisbon road. We had 
gone about seven miles when a courier from Major Rue 
announced that Morgan had run into the New Lisbon road 
ahead of him. Within a few minutes a second courier came 
from Major Rue, stating that he had come up with the enemy 
and wished me to send forward reinforcements immediately. 
The whole column was thrown forward at the utmost speed of 
the horses. We came to where the roads forked. The enemy 
had gone to the left, and was between the two roads. My 
advance had taken the right-hand road. I moved the column 
on the road the enemy had gone. On our approach, several of 
the enemy started to run. Just at this moment a flag came 
from the enemy, the bearer stating that General Morgan wanted 
a personal interview with me. I caused the firing to cease, and 
moved around to where Morgan and his staff were standing in 
the road. Morgan claimed that he had surrendered to a mihtia 
captain. Major Rue had very properly refused to take any 
action in the premises until I came up. I ordered Morgan and 
his staff to ride forward with Colonel Woolford and myself, 
and ordered Major Rue to take charge of the balance of the 
prisoners. 

Morgan stated to me, in the presence of Colonel Woolford 
and other officers, that he had become thoroughly satisfied that 
escape from me was impossible ; that he himself might have 
escaped by deserting his men, but that he would not do so. He 
also stated in the same conversation that he did not care for the 
militia ; that he could, with the command he had, whip all the 
militia in Ohio ; yet he said that since crossing the Ohio he had 
found every man, woman, and child his enemy; that every hill 
top was a telegraph and every bush an ambush. After travel- 
ing back two miles we halted, to have the prisoners dismounted 
and disarmed. General Morgan then desired a private inter- 
view. He called three or four of his staff and Colonel Cluke. 
I asked Colonel Woolford to attend the interview. He claimed 
that he had surrendered to a militia captain, and the captain 
had agreed to parole him, his officers and men. I stated that 
we had followed him thirty days and nights ; THAT WE HAD 
MET AND DEFEATED HIM A NUMBER OF TIMES; 
we had captured nearly all of his command; that he had 
acknowledged, in the presence of Colonel Woolford, that he 
knew I WOULD CAPTURE HIM; that he himself might 
have escaped by deserting his men, but that he would not do 
so; that we were on the field ; that Major Rue had gone to his 
right and Captain Ward to his left, and the main column was 



138 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

moving rapidly upon his rear; that he had acknowledged the 
militia captain was no impediment in his way, showing by his 
own statement that he could, with the force of men he then had, 
whip all the militia in Ohio ; that I regarded his surrender to 
the militia captain, under such circumstances, as not only absurd 
and ridiculous, but unfair and illegal, and that I would not 
recognize it at all. He then demanded to be placed back on 
the field as I had found him. I stated to him that his demand 
would not be considered for a moment ; that he, together with 
his officers and men, would be delivered to Major-General 
Burnside, at Cincinnati, Ohio, and that he would take such 
action in the premises as he might think proper. The number 
of prisoners captured with Morgan was about 350. 



General B. W. Duke says : 

While we were waiting in the hall, to which we were 
assigned, before being placed in our cells, a convict, as I sup- 
posed, spoke to me in a low voice from the grated door of one 
of the cells already occupied. I made some remark about the 
familiarity of our new friends on short acquaintance, when by 
the speaker's peculiar laugh I recognized General Morgan. 
He was so shaven and shorn that his voice alone was recog- 
nizable, for I could not readily distinguish his figure. We were 
soon placed in our respective cells and the iron-barred doors 
locked. 

When we returned to the hall, we met General Morgan, 
Colonel Cluke, Calvin Morgan, Captain Gibson, and some 
twenty-six others — our party numbered sixty-eight in all. 
General Morgan and most of the officers who surrendered with 
him, had been taken to Cincinnati and lodged in the city prison 
(as we had been), with the difference, that we had been placed 
in the upper apartments (which were clean), and he and his 
party were confined in the lower rooms, in comparison with 
which the stalls of the Augean stables were boudoirs. After 
great efforts. General Morgan obtained an interview with 
Burnside, and urged that the terms upon which he had sur- 
rendered should be observed, but with no avail. He and the 
officers with him were taken directly from Cincinnati to the 
Ohio Penitentiary, and had been there several days when we 
(who came from Johnson's Island) arrived. 



CHAPTER XV 

Col, Robert M. Martin — Record in Morgan's cavalry — 
Morgan's men under Martin open and close battle of 
Chickamauga — Forrest loses his division. 

Among the daring spirits of the Southern cavalry it is 
due that more than ordinary mention be made of the 
personal record of Col. Robert M. Martin. And it may be 
pardonable for the reason that we were companions from 
this period to the close of the war and ever afterward. 

Robert Maxwell Martin was born January lo, 1840, near 
Greenville, Muhlenburg County, Kentucky, and was some 
months over 23 years of age at this time. 

Martin was six feet in height and straight as an Indian 
until wounded in the right lung at McMinnville. He was 
now a little bent, but his form was shapely, his weight being 
about 160 pounds. His eyes were bluish gray with very- 
light or blonde hair, mustache and goatee. In camp he was 
playful and mischievous. In battle or in time of peril he was 
at his best and had no superior. He belonged to the only 
class of the Southern people to whom General Sherman paid 
a compliment in a letter to General Halleck when asked for 
his opinion of the disposition that should be made of the 
population after the war. 

General Sherman says : 

The young bloods of the South, sons of planters, lawyers 
about towns, good billiard-players and sportsmen, men who 
never did work and never will. War suits them, and the rascals 
are brave, fine riders, bold to rashness, and dangerous subjects 
in every sense. They care not a sou for niggers, land, or any- 
thing. They hate Yankees per se, and don't bother their brains 
about the past, present or future. As long as they have good 



140 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

horses, plenty of forage, and an open country, they are happy. 
This is a larger class than most men suppose, and they are the 
most dangerous set of men that this war has turned loose upon 
the world. They are splendid riders, first-rate shots, and 
utterly reckless. Stuart, John Morgan, Forrest, and Jackscn 
are the types and leaders of this class. These men must all be 
killed or employed by us before we can hope for peace. They 
have no property or future, and therefore cannot be influenced 
by anything, except personal considerations. I have two 
brigades of these fellows in my front, commanded by Cosby, 
of the old army, and Whitfield, of Texas. Stephen D. Lee is 
in command of the whole. 

They are the best cavalry in the world, but it ivill tax Mr. 
Chase's genius for finance to supply them with horses. 

Colonel Martin had rendered service in General Morgan's 
cavalry since December, 1862, of which General Duke says: 

Shortly after the Hartsville fight. Col. Adam R. Johnson 
reached Murfreesboro with his regiment. It had been raised 
in western Kentucky, and was very strong upon the rolls, but 
from losses by capture, and other causes, had been reduced to 
less than four hundred effective men. It was a fine body of 
men, and splendidly officered. Martin, the lieutenant-colonel, 
was a man of extraordinary dash and resolution, and very 
shrewd in partisan warfare. Owens, the major, was a very 
gallant man, and the disciplinarian of the regiment. 

Lieutenant-Colonels Huffman and Martin were especially 
enterprising during the early part of February, in the favorite 
feat of wagon catching, and each attacked with success and 
profit large foraging parties of the enemy. * * * j have 
heard an incident of one of the dashes of Martin, related and 
vouched for by reliable men who witnessed it, which ought to 
be preserved. Martin had penetrated with a small force into 
the neighborhood of Murfreesboro, and upon his return was 
forced to cut his way through a body of the enemy's cavalry. 
He charged vigorously, and a melee ensued, in which the com- 
batants were mixed all together. In this confused hand-to- 
hand fight. Captain Bennett (a dashing young officer, whose 
coolness, great strength and quickness had made him very 
successful and celebrated in such encounters), was confronted 
by an opponent who leveled a pistol at his head, and at the same 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 141 

time Bennett saw one of the men of his company just about to 

be shot or sabered by another one of the enemy. Bending- low 

in his saddle to avoid the shot aimed at himself, Captain 

Bennett first shot the assailant of his follower and then killed 

his own foe. 

******* 

General Morg-an, in his official report of the fight which 
ensued on the next day at Milton, says : 

"On the evening of the 19th inst. I reached Liberty, Tennessee, 
and learned that the Federals were moving upon that place from 
Murfreesboro, their numbers being variously estimated at from 
two thousand to four thousand infantry, and two hundred 
cavalry, with one section of artillery. At the time I reached my 
videttes on the Milton road, the enemy was within five miles of 
Liberty. It being near night, they fell back to Auburn, and 
encamped. Determining to attack them next morning, I ordered 
Colonels Breckinridge and Gano, who were in command of 
brigades, to move within four miles of the enemy, and hold 
themselves in readiness to move at any moment. * * * In a 
short time I arrived upon the ground. * * * j therefore 
ordered Lieutenant-Colonel Martin to move to the left with his 
regiment, and Colonel Breckinridge to send one to the right — ^to 
go forward rapidly and when within striking distance, to move 
in and cut ofif the pieces. Having two pieces of artillery, I 
ordered them to go forward on the road, supported by Colonel 
Ward's regiment, dismounted, and the raiiainder of the com- 
mand to move in column in supporting distance." 
******* 

"They went forward gallantly, supported by a part of Ward's 
regiment. Lieutenant-Colonel Martin, who still occupied his 
position on the left, was ordered to threaten the right of the 
enemy. At the same time, I ordered the command under 
Colonel Gano to move up, dismount and attack the enemy, 
vigorously, immediately in front. Colonel Breckinridge was 
ordered to move to the right with his command and attack their 
extreme left. Captain Quirk, in the mean time, had been 
ordered to get upon the pike, immediately in the rear of the 
enemy, which he did in a most satisfactory manner, capturing 
fifteen or twenty men. 

"He remained in the rear of the enemy until reinforcements 
came to them from Murfreesboro (being only thirteen miles 
distant), when he was driven back. When our artillery 
opened, the whole command moved forward. Colonel Martin 



142 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

charged up in most gallant style, and had a number of his 
horses killed with canister, as the guns of the enemy were 
turned upon him. The remainder of the command was moved 
up to within one hundred yards of the main column of the 
Federals and dismounted. Moving rapidly to the front, they 
drove in the enemy's skirmishers, and pushed forward in the 
most gallant manner upon the hill occupied by the enemy." 

The scanty supply of ammunition, however, and its failure 
at the critical moment, was the principal cause of the repulse, 
or rather withdrawal of our troops. All who have given any 
account of this battle concur in praising the conduct of the 
combatants. It was fought with the utmost determination, and 
with no flinching on either side. 

One incident is thus described by an eye-witness : "J^^st here 
Martin performed one of those acts of heroic, but useless 
courage, too common among our officers. When his regiment 
wavered and commenced to fall back, he halted until he was 
left alone ; then at a slow walk, rode to the pike, and with his 
hat off rode slowly out of fire. He was splendidly mounted, 
wore in his hat a long black plume, was himself a large and 
striking figure, and I have often thought that it was the hand- 
somest picture of cool and desperate courage I saw in the war." 

It has been related that Col. Adam R. Johnson, com- 
mander of the Second Brigade in General Morgan's division, 
made his escape across the Ohio River in West Virginia at 
the close of Morgan's Ohio raid. 

Colonel Martin having arrived at Chickamauga from his 
recent trip to Kentucky found Colonel Johnson absent on 
leave. While yet unable to report for regular duty he vol- 
unteered to serve through the battle, and commanded the 
little remnant of Morgan's division which had been collected 
by Johnson. 

General Duke says : 

An officer who was a valuable assistant to Colonel Johnson 
in collecting Morgan's men previous to the battle of Chicka- 
mauga. says : "From Calhoun we were ordered to Lafayette, 
from Lafayette to Dalton, thence to Tunnel Hill. On the 
morning of the i8th of September, the whole army marched 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 143 

out for the battle. Our small force was ordered to report to 
General Forrest, and did so about ten a. m. on the field. We 
were immediately deployed as skirmishers, mounted, in front of 
Hood's division, of Long-street's corps, just come from Vir- 
ginia. As the men galloped by Forrest, he called to them in 
language which inspired them with still higher enthusiasm. He 
urged them to do their whole duty in the battle. He spoke of 
their chief, who had been insulted with a felon's treatment, and 
was then lying in the cell of a penitentiary. He gave them 
'Morgan' for a battle-cry, and bade them maintain their old 
reputation. 

"The enemy first engaged fell back upon a supporting regi- 
ment. We soon drove them back upon a third. By this time 
our small 'layout' found the fighting rather interesting. 
Engaging three times our number, and attacking every position 
the enemy chose, was very glorious excitement, but rather more 
of it than our mouths watered for. Yet no man faltered — all 
rushed on as reckless of the opposing array of danger as of 
their own alignment. * * * 

"The enemy had formed in the edge of a woods, in front of 
which was an open field. This field was fought over again 
and again, each side charging alternately, and forced back. At 
last a charge upon our part, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Martin, 
was successful. The enemy fell back still farther. We now 
saw clearly from many indications, and were told by prisoners,- 
that the Federal line of battle, the main force, was not far off. 
We, therefore, moved more cautiously. Just about sundown, 
we found the enemy's cavalry drawn up directly in front of 
the infantry, but they made little resistance. After one or two 
volleys, they fell back behind the protecting 'web-feet.' Night 
falling stopped all further operations for that day. We camped 
in line of battle, and picketed in front. 

"The fighting of the next day was very similar to that of the 
previous ones — the enemy falling back slowly with his face 
toward us. But late in the evening the retreat became a rout. 
The army made no attack on the 21st. In the afternoon 
Colonel Scott was sent with his brigade over Missionary Ridge 
into the valley, and engaged a few scattered cavalry and an 
Illinois regiment of infantry — capturing nearly all of the latter 
before they could reach the works around Chattanooga. Form- 
ing his brigade, Colonel Scott sent a portion of our command, 
on foot, to reconnoiter the enemy's position. The reconnoiter- 
ing party drove in the pickets, took the outside rifle pits, and 
forced the enemy to their breastworks and forts. 



144 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

"This closed the battle of Chickamatiga — Morgan's men 
firing the first and last shot in that terrible struggle." 

Colonel Martin related to me the trouble that was caused 
by the attempt of General Bragg to appropriate the horses 
of the orphan soldiers of the Confederacy, from far-away 
Kentucky, land how General Forresit stood by Captains 
Dortch and Kirkpatrick, and their men. When the order 
came for the surrender of their horses, Forrest swore he 
would surround Morgan's men with his division and pro- 
tect them. The horses were not taken, but in consequence 
Forrest lost his own command. 

Wyeth's "Life of Forrest" says : 

It was while in pursuit of the retreating enemy, on September 
30th, that Forrest received from General Bragg the following 
order : 

"Missionary Ridge, September 28, 1863. 
"Brigadier-General Forrest, near Athens. 

"General: The general commanding desires that you will 
without delay turn over the troops of your command, previously 
ordered, to Major-General Wheeler." 

Upon the receipt of this message he flew into a violent rage, 
at the height of which he dictated a letter to Major Anderson, 
who says : "The general dictated a letter which I wrote to 
Bragg, resenting the manner in which he had been treated, and 
charging the commander of the army in plain, straight language 
with duplicity and lying, and informing him that he zvoiild call 
at his headquarters in a few days to say to him in person just 
what he had written. He concluded by saying he desired to 
shirk no responsibility incurred by the contents of his letter. 
When Forrest read the letter over and signed it, it was sealed 
and handed to the courier, and, as he rode away, the general 
remarked to me, 'Bragg never got such a letter as that before 
from a brigadier.' " 

Before President Davis assigned Forrest to another field 
of duty General Bragg had been succeeded by Johnston. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 145 

Wyeth says : 

Gen. Joseph E. Johnston wrote : "He will, on arriving there, 
proceed to raise and organize as many troops for the Confed- 
erate service as he finds practicable." 

******* 

From Rome, and thence westward, along the route over 
which, a few months before, he had pursued and captured 
Streight's raiders, Forrest marched with his handful of men — 
a brigadier-general with an army of two hundred and seventy- 
one men, as follows : 

Field and staff 8 

Escort company 65 

McDonald's battalion 139 

Capt. J. W. Morton's battery 67 

Total effectives 271 



CHAPTER XVI 

Martin's expedition to Kentucky — Exciting adventures — 
Skirmish with an old friend — Surprised and routed near 
Greenville — Loss of horses and equipments — Rendezvous in 
Henry County, Tennessee — Expedition on foot to Golden 
Pond — Recapture of horses, and home-guards paroled. 

Upon my arrival with Captain Christy, in Bragg's army, 
we were installed by Colonel Martin as members of his mess, 
the others being Cyrus W. Crabtree, Lieut. Arthur Andrews, 
Lieut. Oscar L. Barbour, Lieut. Meade Woodson of Inde- 
pendence, Missouri, and a young man named Bryson from 
Macon, Mississippi. Captain Helm of Texas, with sixteen 
men, composed a company of scouts for Col. Adam R. John- 
son, brigade commander. Andrews, Barbour, and Woodson 
belonged to Johnson's staff. 

This remnant was all that now remained here of Morgan's 
men. The battalions of Captains Kirkpatrick and Dortch 
had been sent away, one with Wheeler and the other with 
Forrest. Wheeler had gone on a raid into Middle Ten- 
nessee, where he terrorized the garrisons that he did not 
defeat and capture. Forrest was operating in the direction 
of Kingston, on the way to Knoxville. 

Colonel Martin discussed the situation with us all and 
said he was perhaps as well now as he would ever be, the 
Minie ball having lodged in his lung. It could not be ex- 
tracted. But Martin did not know what to do. His regi- 
ment was in prison with the most of Morgan's division and 
no prospect of their exchange, as the Federal Government 
did not want to give up the Southern prisoners in return 
for their own. They preferred to keep our ranks depleted 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 147 

in that way and fill their own by draft and bounties, leaving 
their men in our prisons to suffer like our soldiers for the 
necessaries of life. 

Martin determined that he had better try to recruit a 
command in the mean time, as he and Johnson had done 
the year before. He now proposed to take us and Captain 
Helm's men and go to western Kentucky. 

There was no baggage or other luggage to pack, and 
with the men I have named, twenty-five in all, Colonel Mar- 
tin rode away about daylight, passing over Lookout Moun- 
tain and then down the valley toward Gadsden, Alabama. 

We crossed Tennessee safely, and arriving within five 
miles of Lafayette, Kentucky, learned there was a garrison 
of about thirty encamped in a stockade. Colonel Martin 
at once decided to attack and endeavor to capture this gar- 
rison if we could get to them before they could reach the 
stockade. The hour fixed was eight o'clock next morning, 
when it was calculated the men would be more or less 
scattered about the village, as was their custom, and that 
very few could beat us to the stockade, where their arms 
were always kept. 

We started at 6.30 and were guided by pathways through 
timber between farms, and reached the designated point 
within one hundred yards of the stockade undiscovered. 
We were formed in column of fours. Martin selected Crab- 
tree, Christy, Barbour, and myself to form the first set and 
go in front, with Martin commanding on our left. The 
stockade was on the right and about forty feet from the 
fence along the pike. We quickly observed that the garri- 
son was nearly all outside, but there were several squads 
around fires not more than ten steps from the stockade. 
Martin did not hesitate a moment, and ordered us to go at 
full speed and commence firing and yelling. It was a dash. 
The Federals looked at us a moment as if astonished, and 
then darted toward the stockade. We got nearly even with 
it before they got in and began to fire from the port-holes. 



148 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Martin had directed that if we reached the position oppo- 
site the stockade before many got into it we were to dismount 
and run in around it so as to cut the others off who would 
be unarmed. The first shot struck Crabtree's horse, which 
groaned considerably. Martin ordered us to go on, and 
the whole command dashed by under fire. We escaped 
without a man being hurt, and stopped a hundred yards dis- 
tant, in the business portion of the town, among the pop- 
ulation, which had congregated there en masse. Horace 
W. Kelley, the leading merchant, was reported to Colonel 
Martin as the chief informer and persecutor of the South- 
ern sympathizers in that vicinity. Martin directed Captain 
Helm to take a detail and go to Kelley's store and get some 
boots for his men, who were nearly barefooted, also socks, 
underwear, and hats. Mr. Kelley had locked up his store, 
but opened it and waited on his enemies just as cheerfully 
as if they had been cash customers. He seemed pleased to 
get off so easy. 

We passed through Roaring Springs and reached the 
neighborhood of Canton, on Cumberland River, before 
night, and stopped to feed our horses and rest. We heard 
a steamboat whistling below and were enabled to determine 
that it was coming up stream. 

Colonel Martin decided to go into Canton, where there 
was no garrison, and fire into it from the nearest safe place 
when it landed, provided it was loaded with troops, other- 
wise we would go aboard and perhaps capture some officers 
and burn the boat. 

We were four miles from town and it was just night 
when the steamer came in sight. Meanwhile, we had halted 
within half a mile of the landing. We moved around to 
the river bank just above. The lights on the boat and on 
shore gave us a good view of the cabin deck, and no soldiers 
appeared and but few persons of any class. We dis- 
mounted, and with twenty men Colonel Martin went down 
the bank in the darkness. When the boat was securely tied 
up two men were sent to guard the deck-hand at the stab 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 149 

and see that the boat was not cut loose. Colonel Martin 
led the way and followed the boat's agent and others on the 
gang-plank. One man went to the capstan to guard the 
rope and see that it should not be cut. We followed Martin 
up the stairway to the cabin and took possession. Several 
soldiers were taken and paroled. A few government stores 
were destroyed and thrown overboard. Colonel Martin told 
me the captain pleaded for his boat not to be burned. But 
as a matter of fact the captain was not a Union man. We 
knew the government was pressing boats into the service no 
matter who might be the owners. The barkeeper treated 
the crowd to toddies and cigars and the steward brought 
out some lunch. 

It was reported to Colonel Martin that a Union man, 
named Ford, who was a regular informer on Southern men, 
had a very fine chestnut-sorrel mare. Captain Helm went 
with a squad and got her, leaving Martin's animal instead. 

We rode quietly into Cadiz, after a ride of nine miles, 
at ten o'clock. There was a stampede of the prominent 
Union men and several soldiers who were at home on fur- 
lough when they heard that "Bob Martin" was in town. 
Colonel Martin sent a detail to get the postage stamps and 
stamped envelopes at the post-office. 

The weather had grown extremely cold, but we pushed 
on to the house of my friend Allen Baker, in Caldwell 
County. Colonel Martin intended now to capture the gar- 
rison at Madisonville and hold Hopkins County long enough 
to get some recruits. After going a few miles the Colonel 
decided to go off the road half a mile to some hollow in the 
woods and build fires. We soon had regular log-heaps 
blazing. The ears of one or two of our party were frost- 
bitten. 

"Cy" Crabtree had a brother-in-law, William B. Parker, 
who lived three miles from the road on our way, and six 
miles from Madisonville. Colonel Martin sent Crabtree 
ahead to arrange for breakfast there and get a friend to go 
early to town and find out all about the garrison. 



150 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

We went through the country to Parker's by sunrise and 
were entertained handsomely by Mrs. Parker, the sister of 
Crabtree. It was then deemed best to camp in a sechided part 
of adjacent hilly, timbered country and await the return of 
the messenger Crabtree had sent to Madisonville. He did 
not return until night, as per instructions, in the event the 
garrison was kept in camp. He learned that Martin's cap- 
ture of the steamboat at Canton was known and that the men 
were on the lookout for a surprise at any time. The gar- 
rison numbered about eighty cavalrymen and kept their 
horses in an old livery stable, one square from the court- 
house. 

It was now deemed best to draw the enemy out in pur- 
suit, and for that purpose we left our camp before night, 
and went to the highway six miles from Madisonville, and 
eight miles from Vanderburg on the Henderson road. We 
turned off beyond the Shake-rag Hills before reaching Van- 
derburg and camped in an impregnable position on a bluff 
not far from the farm of a friend, Robert Washington. We 
remained there all the next day, hoping the company from 
Madisonville would follow our trail. We had arranged to 
have our presence at Parker's reported. 

In this camp we were joined by two recruits, one of them 
a young man named Ashley, who had neither horse nor gun. 
He rode behind the other recruit, as he had a plan for a 
mount and arms. He guided Martin a few miles through the 
hills to the house of his cousin, who had turned to be a 
strong Union man and guide for the Federals. I knew 
nothing about the arrangement until we left his cousin's 
house. When we reached it, his cousin, Andrew Ashley, 
came out in the dark. Colonel Martin, as I was told, repre- 
sented himself as a captain from Greenville, in pursuit of 
Bob Martin ; that he had heard in Madisonville that Martin 
was camped at Vanderburg and the purpose in coming 
here was to get him (Ashley) to go along as a guide. Ashley 
promptly volunteered and said he would take his double- 
barreled shotgun. He caught his horse and was ready in a 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 151 

few minutes. Meanwhile, Martin had sent Captain Helm 
and two men with young Ashley, who took them to another 
place. Jack Burton's, near by, to get his fine animal, and 
they succeeded. 

We started off without delay, Andrew Ashley riding with 
Colonel Martin. After going a short distance Martin unde- 
ceived Ashley and put him in ranks as a prisoner, turning 
over his gun and ammunition to young Ashley. We then 
headed for Madisonville to make a midnight attack and 
create a sensational fright. Several offensive Union men 
were arrested on the way, the purpose of Colonel Martin 
being to demoralize some of them. They were treated with 
perfect kindness, but they were in mental agony as to their 
fate, as Colonel Sam Johnson had shot several Confederate 
prisoners at Hopkinsville, in retaliation for the killing of 
his own men. Before we had gone very far, Andrew Ashley 
learned that I was in the command and urged Martin to 
let him meet me. He was brought back and I was sur- 
prised. I knew him well, and he was a Southern sympa- 
thizer when I left home. He asked me to have him released. 
When I learned the circumstances I told him Martin wanted 
to take him farther on, but I assured him he should not be 
hurt. He had been one of my customers in the store at 
Nebo and was a good citizen. 

We arrived in the suburbs of Madisonville about mid- 
night, near the dwelling-house of Nathan Hibbs, between 
the Ashbyburg and Henderson roads. We had learned that 
two pickets were out on all the roads. Those on the Hen- 
derson road stood at an elbow of the lane opposite the resi- 
dence of Mrs. Bishop. Christy and Crabtree were sent to 
charge them as soon as Martin's command opened fire on 
the camp in town. We moved from the Hibbs place down 
across the common which extended nearly to the public 
square. Just as we had reached a point nearly opposite the 
old Eagle Hotel, on a corner of the public square, and were 
ready to dismount and creep around the camp to open fire, 
we heard two shots on the Henderson road. This was un- 



152 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

expected. In a moment we heard horses running and sud- 
denly a great commotion in the camp, one square away. The 
pickets came at full speed and ran to the camp. We listened 
to the uproar for a few minutes, when Martin concluded 
it would be better not to attack now. We retraced our tracks 
to the Hibbs house, where we had left our prisoners under 
guard. Christy and Crabtree were there. It was under- 
stood that if their plans or ours miscarried, all should rally 
there. The pickets had heard the horses of Christy and 
Crabtree, a hundred yards away, and fired and then ran, 
because they were expecting Martin. We traveled a cir- 
cuitous route with Captain Christy and Crabtree as guides 
and reached the house of Hugh McNary by sunrise, on the 
other side of Pond River, at the point where the Madison- 
ville and Greenville road crosses the ford. We were in posi- 
tion to guard the ford against pursuit and were royally 
entertained here by the truest of friends. The young ladies, 
the Misses McNary, treated us to the first piano music we 
had heard in many a day. 

It was a comfort to look back, as we rode away toward 
Greenville, and cheer the waving white handkerchiefs of 
this enthusiastic household. Our prisoners were released 
here and started home, feeling safer but mad. Greenville is 
the county-seat of Muhlenburg County and Colonel Martin's 
father lived three miles from the town. His father was a 
strong Union man and two brothers were captains in the 
Federal army. 

The weather was unusually cold for the time of the year, 
December, which retarded our speed and subjected us to 
unusual hardships in our night rides and in our efforts to 
rest and sleep in the open air. 

We stopped six miles from Greenville, off the road, where 
Colonel Martin knew a friend, and slept until night, two citi- 
zens volunteering to stand on guard where they had a long 
view of our track and could give us warning of a pursuing 
enemy without taking any risk. At sunset we started for 
Greenville, where there was no garrison, and charged into 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 153 

the town, about eight o'clock, yeUing Hke Indians. There 
was a general stampede and great excitement among the 
population. This was a hotbed of Unionism and the offen- 
sive Union men dreaded Martin. Others greeted us cor- 
dially. A detail went to the post-office and got the postage 
stamps and envelopes. We now had over $20 worth of U. 
S. spoils. After Colonel Martin had spent an hour with 
his friends we rode out toward Hartford, soon turned, made 
a circuit around Greenville toward Hopkinsville, and camped 
with good fires until sunrise the next morning. After break- 
fast we went toward the Greenville and Madisonville road 
to learn if we had been pursued. It was the purpose now to 
go back to Madisonville if any of its garrison had followed 
us to Greenville. We entered a long lane through a farm 
and Colonel Martin inquired at the house, about midway. 
He heard of three different companies that were in pursuit, 
but got no information as to where they belonged. Just be- 
fore we reached the end of the lane it was observed that dense 
woods were in front and extended around to the right 
over a hilly region. It was determined to pass on out of 
sight of the farm-house, scatter on the left of the road for a 
hundred yards in the woods and get across to the other side 
of the road, making a dim impression on the frozen ground 
and to some extent obscure our trail. 

The fence on the left extended about fifty yards farther 
than on the right side of the lane we were in. Crabtree, 
wearing a Federal overcoat, was the advance guard, and at 
the end of the lane he observed a company of Federals about 
200 yards to the left, across a little old unfenced field. There 
was a small ravine that ran through it about midway between 
our ridge and the one where the Federals had halted. Crab- 
tree stopped and motioned back to us. Martin halted the 
column and galloped up to Crabtree, then called out to the 
Federals and asked who was in command. "Capt. Jeff 
Rouark," was the response. "Where from ?" inquired Mar- 
tin. "Hopkinsville," was the answer, and followed with 
the inquiry, "Who are you?" "Captain Wilkes from Hen- 



154 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

derson," answered Martin. "Send a man down half way," 
said Martin. "All right," said Rouark. Martin directed 
Crabtree to go and get all that Rouark knew about us. Crab- 
tree and Rouark met down in the little ravine, while both 
sides sat quietly and looked on. Colonel Martin called out 
to "Cy" and asked, "Is it all right?" "Yes," responded Crab- 
tree; "he wants to see you, Captain." Martin trotted his 
horse down to meet his old friend. They had been boys 
together in the same neighborhood. Captain Rouark was 
astonished when he recognized Col. Bob Martin. I heard 
Martin laughing as he said, "Well, Jeff, we ought to shake 
hands over a joke like this." "I think so too. Bob," said 
Rouark, and they greeted each other cordially. They then 
talked for a few minutes, and separated, each galloping back 
to his command. I had counted the enemy and made the 
number forty-two besides the captain. 

Martin announced that he was going to fight. He ordered 
us to dismount in the woods on the right and hitch our horses 
quick. The ground sloped downward on that side. We 
then ran back to the fence on the enemy's side of the road 
and opened fire while Rouark was forming on horseback. 
Some of our men were behind trees farther to our right than 
the fence extended. Our long-range guns only were fired, it 
being deemed advisable to reserve our double-barreled shot- 
guns for closer quarters if Rouark should charge on horse- 
back. Most of Captain Helm's men were Texans and fine 
shots. I noticed some commotion in the enemy's ranks and 
was satisfied that men or horses were being struck. We 
were so well concealed, lying down behind fence corners 
and trees, that none of our men were touched and the bul- 
lets passed over our horses. Presently Rouark dismounted 
his men, and coming closer they got behind trees. Colonel 
Martin concluded we were wasting ammunition. He told us 
to be ready when he gave the word and that he wanted us 
to get up and run to our horses, mount quick and follow 
him; that he intended to form in ambush. He told me to 
mount and remain, to see if they pursued, and then fall 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 155 

back, keeping in sight of them. At the command all arose 
and ran as if stampeded, mounted and galloped away in good 
order and out of sight. I sat on my horse and watched. 
Rouark's men ceased firing and mounted their horses. 
There was a parley of several minutes and then they marched 
away in the opposite direction. I reported to Colonel Mar- 
tin at once and it was now thought best to travel till our trail 
would be lost for a night. Martin knew the country and 
made a circuit around Greenville, keeping five miles from it, 
to the side toward Russellville, and stopped seven miles from 
town about ten o'clock in the night. We entered a thick 
woods, and going perhaps 400 yards made a gap in a rail 
fence around a cornfield. The gap was fixed up behind us. 
We then went along the fence inside for two hundred yards 
and then out through a gap into the woods again, camping 
about a hundred yards from the field. The movement inside 
the field was made to protect us from surprise, as our guard 
was placed at the last gap and could see the enemy come 
through the first gap. It was our purpose to go toward 
Russellville the next morning, making a circuit toward 
Madisonville. 

I was the first man to awake the next morning. Our 
lonely picket down at the fence had his horse hitched and 
was stamping about to warm his feet. I was eating some 
lunch when I saw the picket mount his' horse hurriedly and 
start to camp. Martin did not need to order the horses 
saddled. The picket rushed up and reported the enemy com- 
ing through at the place where we had entered the field. 
Colonel Martin directed me, as I was ready, to ride down 
within fifty yards of the gap, where we came out, and as the 
enemy came up to fire and fall back. I had hardly reached 
the spot when I got a glimpse through the brush of the 
approaching column, quietly riding along on our trail. T 
was sitting on my horse fairly well covered by a large white- 
oak tree. When the column arrived at the place where we 
had come out it halted and I fired, or thought I was firing, 
with deliberate aim, but the cap failed to go off. I then 



156 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

galloped back to camp. My animal was a handsome chest- 
nut-sorrel pony, but I knew nothing yet of his speed. I 
judged the enemy to numtJer about fifty men. 

Martin had the men nearly ready and was forming a line 
to fight, but on my report he decided to charge before the 
enemy could get through the fence, which they had begun to 
throw down, and then withdraw. We went with a yell, but 
they received us with a volley. Martin then ordered us to 
fall back and keep together. As we passed over the ridge 
beyond our camp the enemy was peppering away at those in 
the rear. Martin on his fine mare could have run away in the 
lead, but hung back and encouraged the boys to keep cool and 
close up. I observed a branch in a small ravine ahead of us 
and that the bank on the opposite side was steep and the 
men in front were making their horses climb to get up. 1 
also observed that men from the rear were passing me and 
the shooting was coming nearer every step. It was only a 
question of a few jumps until I would be the hindmost man. 
My horse was too weak, I looked back and the Federals 
were only about seventy-five yards behind and not many of 
our men were now behind me. The ridge on which we had 
camped wound around on my left and broke down not far 
from the branch that crossed our path in front. I turned 
my horse around this little hill to the left, lying down on my 
horse's neck to hide if possible from the view of our pur- 
suers. I ran upon a small field. The branch our men were 
crossing ran out of it and where it passed under the fence 
a considerable drift had accumulated inside. I jumped 
down, and turning my horse's head toward our crowd, got 
over the fence quick and hid in the drift pile. Not more than 
half a minute had passed since I left the path. I peeped out 
and saw our men scrambling up the bank of the branch, 
about fifty yards away, and observed Colonel Martin was off 
his mare as she clambered up the hill, but he had her by the 
tail and was holding fast with both hands. Somebody 
grabbed her by the bridle-bit. At this moment the shout- 
ing pursuers were up even with me, and their firing and up- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 157 

roar frightened my loose horse back my way and he went 
trotting- around the hill along the fence. They got a glimpse 
of him, and two men came rushing around after him and 
passed within ten feet of me. This frightened him and he 
stampeded into the woods with the two men in pursuit. 

Everybody was now out of sight, but I could hear the 
yelling and shouting the same as before. I moved my posi- 
tion a little, as I was on the ice, and crept as far under as 
possible without leaving any fresh signs behind. I remained 
in this position until I began to freeze. I could still hear 
the firing and yelling a mile or two away, which had never 
ceased at any point since the retreat commenced. 

I got out and crossed another field to the woods and went 
some distance until I came in sight of a log cabin. This was 
out of view from the battle-ground. I went to the house and 
warmed. I told the housewife I had been fox hunting and 
came for a chunk of fire as my companion, who was at the 
fox hole, thought we ought to have a fire. She asked me 
what all that shooting meant. I was of course in another 
direction and had not heard it. I got the fire and found a 
secluded hiding-place, where I kept comfortable till night. 

I wandered around after sunset, and coming near a farm 
I waited until after dark and went to the house. I had lost 
everything except my gun and pistol. I found the farmer 
to be a friend of the Confederates and regret that I have for- 
gotten his name. When he heard my story he said he had 
one poor horse that he did not need and I was welcome to 
him. I was supplied with an old saddle and bridle and given 
directions around Greenville to the Madisonville road. I 
reached the point before morning, got breakfast, and traveled 
neighborhood roads to the house of a friend, five miles from 
McNary's ford on Pond River. That night I called at 
McNary's and learned that Lieutenant Andrews had been 
there two hours before, having escaped in the chase. They 
had directed him to James L. Brown's, who was a wealthy 
farmer living seven miles to the right of Madisonville. I 
went there and found Andrews. We safely passed Madi- 



158 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

sonville and through Nebo to my father's house. We were 
obliged to go on, as it was agreed that all would rendezvous 
in Jordan Stokes's hollow, in Caldwell County, one mile from 
White's bridge on Tradewater. We reached there before 
morning, traveling my private route by Fisher's Spring, 
Rush's and Fox's. After waiting a week we scouted to 
Grubb's cross-roads and to Wolf's store, where we learned 
that Martin's party had gone through a week before. We 
now pushed through, traveling at night, crossing the Cum- 
berland River at Murray's, and then up Yellow Creek and 
over to Piney Creek. We saw friends who had been in all 
directions, but none had heard of Martin's party. We con- 
cluded he must have fallen back across the fivers into the 
Kentucky Purchase or into West Tennessee, which were not 
occupied by garrisons now, and we headed in that direction. 

Lieutenant Andrews remembered that he had a friend in 
Paris, Mr. Caldwell, formerly of Bowling Green, Kentucky, 
who had married a lady of Paris and had settled there in 
business. He entertained us at his elegant home on Christ- 
mas day. In the afternoon we heard that we might find our 
party in the neighborhood of Mr. Edwards's, five miles from 
Paris, on the road to "Mouth of Sandy." To our delight we 
learned upon reaching the home of Mr. Edwards that Colonel 
Martin, Christy, Barbour, and others had been there. The 
others had stopped with a Mr. Kendall and his neighbors 
farther on. We soon learned that the command had arrived 
in the neighborhood after losing their horses and baggage. 
They were now gone on foot into the enemy's country to 
mount and equip themselves. 

Andrews and I found a home with a Mr. Kendall, who was 
a good farmer and a gentleman. 

A few days afterwards Colonel Martin and his men 
returned from the expedition and were quartered in the 
neighborhood for two weeks. The events which had 
occurred in the command since the attack on our camp near 
Greenville, Kentucky, were narrated to me by Martin, 
Christy, Barbour and others. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 159 

"After you turned off the track," they said, "our worst 
trouble was at the embankment of the branch where you 
saw Colonel Martin on the ground. His mare shied under 
the limbs of a tree that swept him off behind, when he 
grabbed her tail and clung- to it till we caught her, and he 
remounted under fire. But the pursuers could take no aim 
running at full speed through bushy woods and their shots 
did not hit anybody. We gained distance on them while 
they were having our experience at the embankment, and 
we would have been out of their reach very soon but for 
the presence of another company of Federals in front that 
was trying to find our camp. We got within fifty yards of 
them before they were discovered. When we turned at 
right angles they took the lead in the pursuit. They were in 
firing distance for a mile perhaps, and in this chase Andrews 
left us. 

"We made our way to the mouth of Little River, on the 
Cumberland, between Canton and Eddyville, and the com- 
mand crossed over to the narrow section between the Cum- 
berland and Tennessee rivers. We reached the neighbor- 
hood of Golden Pond, where we concluded to rest, as there 
was no garrison of Federals nearer than Paducah, Hopkins- 
ville, and Princeton. It was an out of the way locality where 
scouting parties seldom had any occasion to go. 

"We went into camp in the afternoon," they said, "and 
made our beds as comfortable as possible, retiring early to 
get a much needed rest for one entire night. 

"The moon was shining every night, going down about 
midnight. About that time our camp was fired into by a 
force of home-guards. We all made a dash away from the 
firelights and kept together in the woods. We opened fire 
on the enemy and scattered them on the side where 
we escaped. "Cy" Crabtree was shot in the hip and captured. 
The rest of us made our way through the country to the 
Tennessee River and crossed over. After resting here a 
week or more Colonel Martin decided to march back 
and surprise that same neighborhood. We crossed the 



160 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

river about sundown and arrived near Fungo or Golden 
Pond after a couple of hours. It v^as easy to capture one 
man at a time and recover our horses or get better ones. 
We captured Captain Bogard, who commanded the attack on 
our camp. He had returned Martin's fine animal to its 
owner, Mr. Ford, at Canton, only five miles distant, but 
Martin managed to find a good one. Martin had paroled 
that entire company of home-guards." 

The news of the escape of Gen. John H. Morgan, from 
the Columbus, Ohio, Penitentiary, and his safe arrival in 
the Confederacy, had reached us. He had established an 
encampment at Decatur, Georgia, where it was proposed 
that the scattered remnants of his old division should ren- 
dezvous for organization and service in a new command to 
be made up for General Morgan while most of his own was 
still in Northern prisons. 

It was decided that Andrews, Barbour, and Captain Helm, 
with his men, should proceed up the Tennessee River on the 
west side, pass between Shiloh battlefield and Corinth, and 
then across Alabama to Decatur, while Martin, Christy, and 
I would go around Nashville and then south with the view 
of giving General Morgan the situation in Middle Tennessee, 
which might induce him to make a raid with his force and 
attack the communications of Sherman. 



CHAPTER XVII 

Journey to Kentucky, then around Nashville and into Alabama 
— Narrow escapes — Luxurious homes of an Alabama valley — 
Johnston succeeds Bragg. 

In leaving Henry County, Tennessee, on the journey to 
Georgia, Colonel Martin, Captain Christy, and I crossed the 
Tennessee River at Paris Landing. We then traveled to 
Murray's on the Cumberland River. The horse and outfit 
my friend had furnished me near Greenville was about as 
shabby as any I ever saw in the army. The animal was 
small, slow and in poor order. My companions proposed 
that our first adventure should be to improve my mount. 

That night we stopped with my friend Squire Fletcher, 
one mile from the river, and left his house with directions to 
the home of his nephew, Jasper Fletcher, in Christian County, 
Kentucky, between Hopkinsville and Clarksville. We 
learned that a company of negro soldiers w^ere encamped 
at the State line of Kentucky on the pike we must travel, on 
the direct route, and were directed to the house of Dr. 
Thomas, which we would reach within half a mile of the 
camp, and he could direct us through his farm to "Jap" 
Fletcher's. We went on four miles and entered the front 
gate of the yard of Dr. Thomas, The house stood back 
about fifty yards, and we were to go on through his farm. 
The Doctor was delighted to meet us. We sat on our horses 
in front of the portico and he sat on the steps. His wife 
and two other ladies came out to greet us and were enthusi- 
astic over our presence. The Doctor gave us particular 
directions of our route, the way being often through gates 
into and out of wooded pastures and along neighborhood 



162 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

roads. He said we could not afford to tarry there, as the 
negro soldiers frequently came over to his negro cabins at 
night. About this moment we heard a treading sound to- 
ward the front gate, and looking that way saw a dark mass 
moving toward us. It was a body of the negro soldiers. 

When we discovered the soldiers so close upon us, Martin 
and Christy darted off to the left. My weak animal was so 
slow to move that it looked to me as though the soldiers 
would get there before I could pass around and follow with- 
out being shot. It was a cloudy night and quite dark. I 
concluded instantly to go to the right and try to reach the 
gate by going around the rear of the house. 

The cry of halt and shooting commenced as soon as Mar- 
tin and Christy started. I rushed my horse off to the rear 
of the house, but a light in the kitchen blinded me to objects 
when looking in the dark, and I presume it had the same 
effect on the horse, for, to my surprise, he ran with all his 
force against the back yard fence, and I thought he would 
fall down. I heard them crying halt behind me. I jumped 
off and left the horse, but took my saddle-bags along. I got 
over the fence quickly, but at this moment I heard the darkies 
in the negro cabins at their doors and knew the instant they 
were opened the light would shine on me and expose me to 
a volley. I put my saddle-bags by the fence and then on all 
fours I crept along the fence. I did not hear any of the 
enemy getting over the fence but could hear them out about 
the stable and at the front of the dwelling. Within 
an hour everything was perfectly quiet. I got out and ven- 
tured to the door on the side of the house next to the stable 
lot. A servant opened it, when I asked for Dr. Thomas. 
He came in very bad humor. I asked him if I could employ 
any one there or near by to take me to Fletcher's. He said 
he could not assist me in the matter and I ought to get away. 
He told me that he had been arrested, taken over to the 
negro camp and put under bond to appear at headquarters 
in Clarksville the next day. He began to close the door and 
I had to leave without telling him good-by. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 163 

I walked to Jasper Fletcher's with my baggage over my 
shoulder, a distance of ten miles, by a little after midnight 
He told me that Martin and Christy were encamped at the 
back of the farm, refusing to stay at his house, on account 
of the darkies. I thought I would be safer elsewhere and 
walked a mile to Mrs. Clardy's, who entertained me cheer- 
fully. She was delighted when she found I was the friend 
of her two sons, Mont and Henry Clardy, in the First Ken- 
tucky Cavalry. I joined Martin and Christy early next 
morning and we decided to spend the day in their hiding- 
place. 

Fletcher told us of a prominent Union man who was an 
informer and had guided the Federal cavalry around to 
places where they took horses, corn, and other supplies from 
Southern sympathizers, and pressed wagons to haul away 
all they wanted. He said if we wanted horses that man had 
two fine ones. We did not want a better arrangement, and 
just after dark we started after them. Fletcher and I walked 
in front and he went a near route between farms through 
the open woods. The stars afforded very good light. 
Christy rode up and sat on his horse at the front gate. Mar- 
tin and I went into the stable lot and found the horses run- 
ning loose. They were hard to catch and of course made 
considerable noise. The barking dogs brought the old gen- 
tleman to the door, but Christy told him to go back, the 
rebels were getting his horses and might take him. 

Fletcher had described two large chestnut-sorrels. Martin 
having lost his fine mare at Golden Pond didn't like the one 
he had gotten from Captain Bogard, and so we took both. 
We found the place where the saddles were kept and I was 
now well mounted. 

We then traveled without incident a little north of the 
Tennessee line, and stopped at a farm-house three miles from 
Mitchellsville, on the Louisville and Nashville Railroad. We 
learned that a garrison of one company of infantry occupied 
a stockade at this place, with picket posts half a mile from 
their camp on all the public roads. Having received minute 



164 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

directions that would enable us to make a circuit of the town 
and come into our road on the other side, we started on 
after supper. We were often guided in our course by the 
stars. It must have been near midnight when we reached the 
Mitchellsville and Gallatin road. We discovered the fire 
of the picket post and went into the road some two hundred 
yards farther out. The road ran through unfenced woods 
here. After we had gone about fifty yards along the road 
we noticed a horse standing on the right by a small tree, and 
as we rode up also observed a soldier sitting against a large 
tree with his gun standing beside him. He was fast asleep. 
Martin halted and handed me his bridle-rein. He went 
quietly to the horse, and getting the halter came and re- 
mounted. The horse did not appear to realize that he was 
loose and the soldier did not awake. We rode on without 
any disposition to hurt the poor fellow. A few miles from 
here we changed our course so as to leave Gallatin seven or 
eight miles to our right in turning to the south. We camped 
soon afterward, but were up at sunrise next morning to seek 
a secluded place, as we found we were now within twelve 
miles of Gallatin, where Gen. E. A. Paine commanded, and 
was having prisoners and citizens shot at his pleasure. 

Mr. Lyon lived on the south side of Cumberland River, 
where we were entertained. He got us to order everything, 
as though we were pressing our way, in the presence of a 
negro man, and then sent him to Nashville to report us. 
After resting a while we traveled the public road to Lebanon, 
where there was no garrison. We passed through the town 
after midnight and undertook to make our way through the 
country, when we got lost in the cedars five miles out. 

We traveled through the country toward McMinnville, 
passing localities where Colonel Martin had fought with 
Morgan the summer before. Martin met some old acquaint- 
ances among the citizens, and several straggling Confed- 
erates, from whom we learned a good deal about the garri- 
son and general situation at Nashville, without hinting the 
idea of a raid by General Morgan. We now felt that Morgan 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 165 

with 1,500 men and two pieces of artillery could surprise 
Nashville, sweep into western Kentucky, where he could 
stay two weeks anyhow to recruit, and escape across the 
Cumberland and Tennessee rivers to a place of safety in West 
Tennessee. There would not be a telegraph line on his route 
and he could only be pursued by his trail. We could guide 
him on the entire trip. 

The next night we stopped within five miles of Man- 
chester, where there was no garrison and none nearer than 
Tullahoma. The next morning we rode into town, and to 
our surprise came upon a company of Federal cavalry, 
formed in line, on one side of the public square. Although 
they saw us wheel and run we were at least 200 yards ahead 
when they came in sight. We aimed to circle around the 
right side of the town through a common, but we discovered 
a small river and followed the big road out parallel with it 
for a quarter of a mile. Then we came to the woods and 
left the road on the left side, but the river wound back to- 
ward the road. Here there was a large frame dwelling on 
the road and a farm lying in the rear. We saw a bridge, 
just beyond the house, which the road crossed. To reach it 
we must pass near the house, and when within seventy-five 
yards of it we observed several of the cavalry, mounted, in 
the yard and others, on foot, in the stable lot. There was 
nothing for us to do but charge and pass or surrender, and 
without delay we rushed up at full speed as though they were 
not there. They looked at us a moment in surprise and ran 
back toward the stable lot. We were across the bridge before 
they were ready to shoot or could decide what to do. The 
crowd behind us in pursuit was coming at full speed, but we 
had gained on them since we left the edge of the town. A 
short distance beyond the river we turned into the woods on 
the left, where there was no road, and passing around a little 
field reached the summit of a considerable hill that was 
thickly timbered, and then waited a while to see if we would 
be followed. We crossed the Nashville and Chattanooga 
Railroad at a point between Wartrace and Tullahoma, then 



166 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

crossed Elk River below Fayetteville, and passed across the 
Tennessee Valley to the same crossing on the river where 
we were ferried over in going to Kentucky. 

We now set out over the mountains and in a few days 
reached Asheville, a small county-seat among the fragmen- 
tary mountains. The next day we were at Blue Mountain, a 
station at the terminus of the railroad from Selma. We 
went on fifteen miles to Talladega, which was a substantial 
town in a locality of great wealth among the planters in the 
surrounding valley of the Coosa River. 

It was now our purpose to travel toward Decatur, Georgia, 
but if a convenient arrangement could be made it was deemed 
better to leave our horses and go by rail, as we believed Gen- 
eral Morgan would act on our information and come by 
this route on a raid into Middle Tennessee and Kentucky. 
Meanwhile, our horses would rest. 

There were no marks of war in this section, and every- 
thing indicated a prosperous population of planters. We 
were passing elegant homes all along the road from Talla- 
dega. Near sunset we came upon a broad plantation that 
stretched far on either side of the road. The planter's home 
was on the right. This was the home of Walker Reynolds. 
We enjoyed every attention and comfort here and the family 
seemed to appreciate the acquaintance of volunteers from 
Kentucky. We made known to Mrs. Reynolds our plans, 
and on account of the absence of her husband at Selma she 
referred us to her brother. Dr. William Welch, near Alpine, 
the station on the railroad for this neighborhood, who she 
was sure would take an interest in us. Mrs. Reynolds in- 
vited us to remain until after dinner and we accepted. Dur- 
ing the forenoon we were delightfully entertained by her 
daughters, Misses Eppie, Pink, and Bessie, who were about 
twenty, sixteen, and fourteen years of age; and also by Miss 
Kathleen McConnell. It was the first day of real pleasure 
that came to us after our troublous wanderings of many 
weeks. We had the good fortune to meet Dr. Welch at the 
station and also Mr. Thomas Reynolds, a married son of 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 167 

Walker Reynolds. Both gave us cordial invitations to their 
homes. After a brief conference we concluded that Martin 
and Christy would go with Dr. Welch and leave their horses 
there, while they were gone to Decatur, Georgia, and I would 
go with Mr. Reynolds to remain until their return. I found 
a most enjoyable home with Mr. Reynolds, and also with 
Mr. William Mallor^. 



CHAPTER XVIII 

Mission for General Morgan to vicinity of Nashville — Miss 
Mary Overall secures information in Nashville — Death of 
Dee Jobe — Wounded Union soldier dies and is buried, by 
enemies, in family graveyard — Safe arrival at Rome, Georgia. 

When Martin and Christy returned to Alpine an order 
was brought from General Morgan directing me to proceed 
to Guntersville, Alabama, where a detail of four picked men 
would be furnished me by the commander of the post. I 
was to cross the Tennessee River near Guntersville, and go 
to a safe point near Nashville, leaving my men stationed as 
couriers, about one day's ride apart, between me and Gun- 
tersville. It was his desire that I secure through friends, 
who could go into Nashville, the location of each encamp- 
ment and of the government stores, with the number of 
troops as nearly as possible; also full information of the 
garrisons as reported at all points near the route I traveled. 

At Guntersville four young men volunteered when they 
learned my mission. The Federals occupied the valley across 
Tennessee River opposite Guntersville, with about a regi- 
ment of infantry, artillery and two companies of cavalry. I 
was directed to a friend near the mouth of a creek, five miles 
above Guntersville. He had a small ferry-boat hid in the 
creek and put us over after midnight and directed me to the 
cabin home of a noted guerrilla, who lived just across the 
valley — five miles, on the side of the mountain, nearly in the 
rear of the camp of the enemy and not far from the road 
that leads from Scottsboro to Guntersville ferry. I was told 
that he was a typical mountaineer and could guide me across 
the mountains, through the woods, never being in sight of 
a road. I have forgotten his name. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 169 

I found his place, and, just after daylight, left my men 
in the woods, and went across his field to the rear of the 
house, whistling. His wife was in the back yard when I 
came up. She too was a shrewd mountaineer. It required 
considerable explanation before she would agree to find her 
husband for me. She told me to go back and stay near a 
tree that she pointed out, farther up the mountain, and he 
would come there from another direction. She cautioned 
me that I, only, should go to him when he appeared in sight 
and called, otherwise the shooting would commence. I 
waited fully an hour, when we heard a voice on the moun- 
tain side above us. I looked and saw a man, about one hun- 
dred yards distant, on a large rock in plain view. I started 
toward him, when he sat down and waited for me. I had a 
note to him from the captain at Guntersville which, with 
my explanations, satisfied him that there was no deception. 
He came down and remained with us until his wife could 
cook our rations and feed our horses, as we would pass no 
houses during the day. 

We were within two miles of the northwest side of the 
mountain, where we were to descend, when a storm, which 
had been threatening, now burst over us. My guide told me 
he would have to turn back at the point of descent in order 
to make his way to a road he intended to travel all night and 
reach his den before morning. He put us into the big road 
at the parting place and in the darkness we started down the 
mountain. The way became so slippery that our horses had 
trouble to keep on their feet and several went down, one man 
being quite badly bruised, I finally halted and we hitched the 
horses and stood under big trees until the rain ceased, about 
midnight, and the stars came out. We found a dry place 
under a large projecting rock, on the mountain side. It was 
comfortable here and we remained until daylight. 

We struck the valley seven miles above Huntsville. At 
the base of the mountain I found a good friend with whom 
one of the couriers was left to be kept secluded on the moun- 
tain side. I instructed him to make a circuit around Hunts- 



170 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

ville in going out with my report and cross Tennessee River 
in a safer locality. I then traveled to the right of Fayette- 
ville, crossing Elk River five miles above the town and just 
below a mill-dam. Some twelve miles beyond, on White's, 
or Lynn's Creek, as I remember the name, I located another 
man, and, five miles east of Lewisburg, another. With the 
remaining man I went through Farmington, expecting to 
travel the Nashville pike, crossing Duck River at the bridge. 
I learned it had been destroyed. I went a few miles below 
and forded the river. Near by was the plantation of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Haynes, of a Tennessee regiment in John- 
ston's army. His wife entertained us and agreed to keep 
my man supplied if he would conceal himself in the woods. 
She directed me to Squire Boyd, on the pike five miles north. 
He had not retired when I arrived and directed me beyond 
Triune, within twenty miles of Nashville. 

I was directed to Dr. Clem Jordan, to call for his son Ned, 
one mile north of Triune. I traveled the pike, as the nearest 
garrisons were at Franklin and Murfreesboro, reaching Dr. 
Jordan's place at one o'clock that night. In talking with 
Ned, at an upper window, I heard some ladies talking in an 
upper room at the other end of the house and caught the 
remark, "That is Headley's voice." Mrs. John A. Jordan 
and her daughters, Sophia and Mary Overall, were the ladies 
I met at my friend Ellis Suttle's, near Murfreesboro, just 
after my escape from Fort Donelson. Mr. John A. Jordan 
was the son of Dr. Clem Jordan, who lived here, and Ned 
was his brother. 

After calculating the chances of getting in and out of 
Nashville with Ned Jordan it seemed that my best arrange- 
ment would be to send the ladies to the city, as they fre- 
quently went now without difficulty. 

Miss Mary Overall was an enthusiastic Southern girl, 
about nineteen years of age, and when I confided my mis- 
sion to her and her mother they said she could go and get their 
friend, Dr. Hunter, in a drug store, to secure all the infor- 
mation. She arranged with Miss Lucy King to accompany 
her to Nashville. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 171 

I moved a mile from the pike into a brier thicket on a 
ridge in a large field. Ned Jordan came to my camp nearly 
every day. He went with me across the field to the nearest 
house, farther back, in which a widow, Mrs. Warren, lived 
with a family of children. Mrs. Warren had a neighbor 
over the hill, a Mrs, Cherry. Mrs. Cherry's oldest son was 
a sort of roving soldier, a daring fellow, who was said to 
have killed a number of the enemy from ambush. And 
**Buck" Cherry, as he was called, was being hunted by every 
party of scouting cavalry that raided in the neighborhood. 
Between the two places I got my meals. 

The right wing of General Rosecrans's army, under Gen- 
eral Gordon Granger, occupied Triune after the battle of 
Stone River and many of the homes of the citizens had been 
destroyed in this locality. In my watches on the pike I 
occupied a wooded hill in the rear of Mr. Moss's place on the 
west side opposite the Page place on the hill across the pike. 
Dee Jobe, a noted scout of Johnston's army, was with me the 
last day I spent on this hill. He had achieved local fame by 
a number of daring exploits with a few men during the Mur- 
freesboro campaign. I should record here that he was sur- 
prised by Federal cavalry scouts on the same hill, shortly 
after I was gone, while asleep, and riddled with bullets. He 
was left for dead, but revived after the enemy was gone, 
and the citizens learned from him that he was asleep and did 
not know who shot him. 

Mrs. Jordan and her daughters, the Misses Overall, re- 
lated to me their experience in the battle of Murfreesboro. 
They were at the home of Mr. Ellis Suttle near Asbury 
church on Overall's Creek where I first met them. When the 
Federal right wing was engaged in this immediate locality 
and toward the Wilkerson pike half a mile distant, these 
ladies with Mr. and Mrs. Suttle sought safety down in the 
baling box of the cotton-press below the surface of the 
ground. They heard the battle raging all day long. After 
the firing had ceased around the premises they came out and 
found the yard, dwelling, and negro cabins filled with 
Federals. 



172 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

It was a command which claimed to have been raised in 
Philadelphia, of select, first-class young men, to serve as the 
body-guard of General Buell. One of their number was 
found in the house on a bed, mortally wounded. His name 
was Walter Oak Edye, from Hamburg, Germany. His father 
was an English merchant and ship owner who had removed 
to Hamburg. A brother, Henry Oak Edye, was located in 
New York as the agent of the ship line to Hamburg. This 
younger brother was highly educated, speaking fluently 
several languages, and coming over to this country enlisted 
in the crack command in Philadelphia. His right arm was 
crushed above the elbow. The wound was received in the 
morning but did not have attention from a surgeon until 
after night. The troop to which he belonged was captured 
about sunset, in the yard, being surprised by a force of Con- 
federate cavalry. He lingered for two weeks and died, hav- 
ing been nursed by this family the same as if he had been a 
friend. He was buried and still sleeps in the family burial- 
ground of the old Overall homestead. The Misses Overall 
wrote his parents in Hamburg of his fate, with assurances 
that his grave was duly marked and would be kept green 
under the bluegrass of Tennessee. The brother in New 
York sent a man to recover the body and remove it to that 
city, but when he learned it had received decent burial in a 
family graveyard he was proud to let it continue there for- 
ever, though the National cemetery of Stone River is but a 
mile and a half distant. The parents in Hamburg wrote the 
Misses Overall a grateful letter and sent a present for botli. 
To one a gold locket set with diamonds and pearls contain- 
ing a picture of the father and of his boy. To the other a 
gold locket set with a spray of pearls containing the picture 
of the mother and of her boy. 

I had been in the neighborhood of Triune about a week 
when Miss Overall informed me she was ready to go into 
Nashville. She drove from Dr. Jordan's down to Flat Rock 
within three miles of the city, where she and Miss King 
were guests of Mrs. Angle Claude. The son-in-law of this 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 173 

lady, Mr. Henry Tanksley, was taken into Miss Overall's 
confidence. He cheerfully agreed to serve her in the matter. 

The next morning he drove the conveyance of the young 
ladies into the city and left them at the residence of his rela- 
tives. It happened that his two nieces, by engagement, were 
about ready to accompany some Federal officers up to Fort 
Negley, and Misses Overall and King were invited to join 
the party. The officers took pains to display everything 
about the fort to the ladies. Not even Miss King had a hint 
of the mission of Miss Overall. 

Mr. Tanksley, however, being familiar with the city, had, 
himself and through his friends, obtained full information 
on every point, so that I could guide General Morgan into 
the city on one side and out on another side in the event 
he should fail to compel a surrender, and Miss Overall re- 
turned with the information in detail. I, promptly sent a 
complete report to General Morgan without signing my 
name, as Colonel Martin and Captain Christy would know 
my handwriting. I continued to secure additional informa- 
tion, all of which corresponded with that furnished Miss 
Overall by Mr. Tanksley. 

I had suggested a route by which General Morgan could 
reach and surprise Nashville with an even chance to enter the 
city without being discovered. It was about as follows : 
March through Alabama, cross the Tennessee River between 
Florence and Waterloo, then go north to Lawrenceburg, 
Newburg and Centerville, on Duck River. This route was 
thirty to forty miles west of the Nashville and Decatur Rail- 
road. Then from Centerville the way was clear of the 
enemy for a straight ride across the country to the neighbor- 
hood of Mr. Robinson's, on Cumberland River, fifteen miles 
below Nashville, which point he would reach ready to go 
right on to Nashville at night, entering the city at a vacant 
place on the west side. He could send a few picked men, 
when he crossed the Tennessee River, through to cut the 
telegraph wires, between Decatur and Nashville every day, 
and come on to the place I had named six miles from Triune 



174 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

in the cedar hills. Then send a man from Lawrenceburg 
naming the night Morgan would reach Nashville. He could 
safely calculate the time by the distance, Duck River, at Cen- 
terville, being the only stream to cross, and might be forded, 
as the Harpeth River was bridged on the Charlotte and 
Nashville pike. 

Dee Jobe, who was with me, knew every private road 
through all the hills between the pikes from Triune and 
Murfreesboro to Nashville and could gather about fifteen 
good men, who were hiding in that section, to pilot an attack- 
ing party on our side and cut the wires between Murfrees • 
boro and Nashville. With Dee Jobe as a guide we would 
go at night and rendezvous, five miles from Nashville, in the 
hills and spend a day secreted and then be near enough to 
hear a fight in town, when we would drive in or capture the 
pickets on the Triune and Murfreesboro pikes, and cause an 
alarm that would help mystify the enemy. 

I went back and forth along my line of couriers after wait- 
ing seventeen days, but they did not report . I finally learned 
that Morgan had gone to western Virginia. 

The next day I crossed the mountains, arriving at Mr. 
Henry's, two miles from Guntersville, where I spent one 
night. I found the Confederate garrison gone. I traveled 
all day across Sand Mountain. There were only three houses 
on the road in a day's ride. I stopped ten miles from Gads- 
den and the next day reached Rome, Georgia. I learned 
here that General Morgan had been ordered to western Vir- 
ginia. The command had marched from Decatur, Georgia, 
through western North Carolina to Abingdon, Virginia. I 
could hear of no orders for me, and proceeded to sell my 
horse and follow by railroad to Abingdon. 



CHAPTER XIX 

Raid of Kilpatrick and Dahlgren to capture Richmond, release 
Federal prisoners, pillage and burn the city, and kill President 
Davis and his Cabinet — Vengeful views of the Confederate 
soldiers at this period over the devastation of their country. 

One of the notable events that had attracted universal 
attention among citizens and soldiers was the raid of Gen- 
eral Kilpatrick and Colonel Dahlgren upon Richmond with 
the purpose of releasing the Federal prisoners and turning 
them loose upon the city to pillage and sack it and then burn 
it. Meanwhile, they were to kill President Davis and his 
Cabinet. The attempt had been made in March, 1864. 

Colonel Dahlgren had been detached with 500 picked men 
to execute the plan, while Kilpatrick would threaten and 
endeavor to enter the city with his large force of cavalry on 
another side from Dahlgren. It appeared that Dahlgren's 
men were provided with Greek fire and other combustible 
material with which they might readily destroy the city. 

The soldiers I met in Virginia were growing desperate. 
Many of them knew their homes were being pillaged or de- 
stroyed by the invaders, that their families were being perse- 
cuted and subjected to cruel and inhuman treatment, that 
their mothers, wives, and sisters were being driven from the 
burning homes and set adrift in a barren waste to seek food 
and shelter. The spirit of vengeance was more pronounced 
in the infantry, where the men led an idle life and brooded 
over the woes they could not avert. Many a man would 
express his hope that the day would come when there would 
be a chance to retaliate. It seemed to aggravate every one 
that the public sentiment of the North gloried in the persecu- 
tion of non-combatants, the total devastation of homes and 



176 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

all personal property; and especially the subjugation and 
degradation of the Southern people. This Northern spirit 
seemed to be intensified by the conviction that the South 
could only be conquered by ruin and starvation. 

It happened that Colonel Dahlgren was killed after the 
failure at Richmond and that upon his body the papers were 
found that disclosed his plans and purposes. These papers 
were delivered by Lieutenant Pollard to the authorities at 
Richmond and were published all over the South and in 
many Northern papers. 

It appears that General Kilpatrick and Colonel Dahlgren 
came directly from a conference in Washington with Presi- 
dent Lincoln and acted by his authority and approval, just 
as the army commanders were doing who were burning the 
homes and property of the citizens of the South. 

It also appears that the secret of the expedition was not 
entrusted to General Meade, who was commanding the Army 
of the Potomac; and that when he ordered General Sedg- 
wick with a corps of infantry and General Custer with 2,000 
cavalry to make demonstrations on the left of Lee's army, 
he was simply obeying orders from Washington and was 
ignorant of the mission of Kilpatrick and Dahlgren. 

The papers found on the body of Colonel Dahlgren were 
as follows : 

(From "Life of Gen. R. E. Lee," by James D. McCabe, Jr.) 

Headquarters Third Division Cavalry Corps. 
Officers and Men : 

You have been selected from brigades and regiments as a 
picked command to attempt a desperate undertaking — an 
undertaking which, if successful, will write your names on the 
hearts of your countrymen in letters that can never be erased, 
and which will cause the prayers of our fellow-soldiers now 
confined in loathsome prisons to follow you and yours wherever 
you may go. 

We hope to release the prisoners from Belle Isle first, and 
having seen them fairly started we will cross the James River 
into Richmond, destroying the bridges after us, and exhorting 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 177 

the released prisoners to destroy and burn the hateful city, and 
do not allow the rebel leader Davis and his traitorous crew to 
escape. The prisoners must render great assistance as you 
cannot leave your ranks too far or become too much scattered, 
or you will be lost. 

Do not allow any personal gain to lead you off, which would 
only bring you to an ignominious death at the hands of the 
citizens. Keep well together, and obey orders strictly, and all 
will be well, but on no account scatter too far; for in union 
there is strength. 

With strict obedience to orders, and fearlessness in the 
execution, you will be sure to succeed. 

We will join the main force on the other side of the city, or 
perhaps meet them inside. 

Many of you may fall ; but if there is any man here not 
willing to sacrifice his life in such a great and glorious under- 
taking, or who does not feel capable of meeting the enemy in 
such a desperate fight as will follow, let him step out, and he 
may go hence to the arms of his sweetheart, and read of the 
braves who swept through the city of Richmond. 

We want no man who cannot feel sure of success in such a 
holy cause. 

We will have a desperate fight ; but stand up to it when it 
does come, and all will be well. 

Ask the blessing of the Almighty, and do not fear the enemy. 

U. Dahlgren^ 
Colonel Commanding. 

Besides this address were the following "special orders 
and instructions," which were written upon a similar sheet 
of paper, giving an outline of the whole plan of Kilpatrick 
and Dahlgren : 

Guides — Pioneers (with oakum, turpentine, and torpedoes) — 
Signal-Officer — Quartermaster — Commissary: 

Scouts and pickets — Men in rebel uniform : 

These will remain on the north bank and move down with the 
force on the south bank, not getting ahead of them ; and if the 
communication can be kept up without giving alarm, it must be 
done; but everything depends upon a surprise, and NO ONE 
must be allowed to pass ahead of the column. Information 
must be gathered in regard to the crossings of the river, so that 
should we be repulsed on the south side we will know where to 



178 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

recross at the nearest point. All mills must be burned, and the 
canal destroyed ; and also everything which can be used by the 
rebels must be destroyed, including the boats on the river. 
Should a ferry-boat be seized and can be worked, have it moved 
down. Keep the force on the south side posted of any important 
move of the enemy, and in case of danger some of the scouts 
must swim the river and bring us information. As we approach 
the city, the party must take great care that they do not get 
ahead of the other party on the south side, and must conceal 
themselves and watch our movements. We will try and secure 
the bridge to the city (one mile below Belle Isle), and release 
the prisoners at the same time. If we do not succeed, they must 
then dash down, and we will try and carry the bridge from each 
side. 

When necessary, the men must be filed through the woods and 
along the river bank. The bridges once secured, and the 
prisoners loose and over the river, the bridges will be secured 
and the city destroyed. The men must keep together and well 
in hand, and once in the city it must be destroyed, and JEFF. 
DAVIS AND CABINET KILLED. 

Pioneers will go along with combustible material. The officer 
must use his discretion about the time of assisting us. Horses 
and cattle, which we do not need immediately, must be shot 
rather than left. Everything on the canal, and elsewhere, of 
service to the rebels, must be destroyed. As General Custer 
may follow me, be careful not to give a false alarm. 

The signal-officer must be prepared to communicate at night 
by rockets, and in other things pertaining to his department. 

The quartermasters and commissaries must be on the lookout 
for their departments, and see that there are no delays on their 
account. 

The engineer-officer will follow to survey the road as we pass 
over it, etc. 

The pioneers must be prepared to construct a bridge or destroy 
one. They must have plenty of oakum and turpentine for 
burning, which will be rolled in soaked balls and given to the 
men to burn when we get in the city. Torpedoes will only be 
used by the pioneers for destroying the main bridges, etc. They 
must be prepared to destroy railroads. Men will branch off to 
the right, with a few pioneers, and destroy the bridges and rail- 
roads south of Richmond, and then join us at the city. They 
must be well prepared with torpedoes, etc. The line of Falling 
Creek is probably the best to work along, or, as they approach 
the city, Goode's Creek ; so that no reinforcements can come up 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 179 

on any cars. No one must be allowed to pass ahead for fear of 
communicating news. Rejoin the command with all haste, and, 
if cut off, cross the river above Richmond, and rejoin us. Men 
will stop at Bellona Arsenal and totally destroy it, and anything 
else but hospitals; then follow on and rejoin the command at 
Richmond with all haste, and, if cut off, cross the river and 
rejoin us. As General Custer may follow me, be careful and 
not give a false alarm. 

In addition to the above, the private note book of Colonel 
Dahlgren contained the following memoranda, some of 
which seemed to have been written with great haste: 

Pleasanton will govern details. 

Will have details from other commands (four thousand). 

Michigan men have started. 

Col. J. H. Devereaux has torpedoes. 

Hanover Junction (B. T. Johnston). 

Maryland Line. 

[Here follows a statement of the composition and numbers 
of Johnston's command.] 

Chapin's farm — seven miles below Richmond. 

One brigade (Hunton's relieved Wise, sent to Charlestown). 

River can be forded half a mile above the city. No works on 
south side. Hospitals near them. River fordable. Canal can 
be crossed. 

Fifty men to remain on north bank, and keep in communica- 
tion, if possible. To destroy mills, canal, and burn everything of 
value to the rebels. Seize any large ferry-boats, and note all 
crossings, in case we have to return that way. Keep us posted 
of any important movement of the rebels, and, as we approach 
the city, communicate with us, and do not give the alarm before 
they see us in possession of Belle Isle and the bridge. If en- 
gaged there, or unsuccessful, they must assist in securing the 
bridges until we cross. If the ferry-boat can be taken and 
worked, bring it down. Everything that cannot be secured or 
made use of must be destroyed. Great care must be taken not 
to be seen or any alarm given. The men must be filed along off 
the road or along the main bank. When we enter the city the 
officer must use his discretion as to when to assist in crossing 
the bridges. 

The prisoners once loosed and the bridges crossed, the city 
must be destroyed, burning the public buildings, etc. 



180 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Prisoners to go with party. 

Spike the heavy guns outside. 

Pioneers must be ready to repair, destroy, etc. Turpentine 
will be provided. The pioneers must be ready to destroy the 
Richmond bridges, after we have all crossed, and to destroy 
the railroad near Frederick's Hall (station, artillery, etc.) 

Fifteen men to halt at Bellona Arsenal, while the column 
goes on, and destroy it. Have some prisoners. Then rejoin us 
at R. ; leaving a portion to watch if anything follows, under a 
good officer. 

Will be notified that Custer may come. 

Main column, four hundred. 

One hundred men will take the bridge after the scouts, and 
dash through the streets and open the way to the front, or, if 
it is open, destroy everything in the way. 

While they are on the big bridges, one hundred men will take 
Belle Isle, after the scouts instructing the prisoners to gut the 
city. The reserve (two hundred) will see this fairly done and 
everything over, and then follow, destroying the bridges after 
them, and then destroy the city ; going up the principal streets 
and destroying everything before them, but not scattering too 
much, and always having a part well in hand. 

Jeff Davis and Cabinet must be killed on the spot. 

The proof afforded by these papers will not admit of a 
doubt of the murderous intention of the Federal commander. 
The authenticity of the papers has been denied by the father 
of Colonel Dahlgren, but the denial was accompanied by no 
proof. The genuineness of the papers is well shown by the 
following letter from General Fitz Lee, in transmitting them 
to the War Department : 

Headquarters Lee's Division, 
Cavalry Corps, Army Northern Va., 

March 31, 1864. 
General S. Cooper_, Adjutant and Inspector-General. 

General: I have the honor to enclose to you Colonel Dahl- 
gren's note book, just sent to me by Colonel Beall, commanding 
Ninth Virginia Cavalry. Had I known of its existence it would 
have been forwarded with the "papers." 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 181 

His name and rank is written on the first page, with the date 
(probably) of his purchasing it. The book, amongst other 
memoranda, contains a rough pencil sketch of his address to 
his troops, differing somewhat from his pen and ink copy. I 
embrace this occasion to add, the original papers bore no marks 
of alteration, nor could they possibly have been changed except 
by the courier who brought them to me, which is in the highest 
degree improbable; and the publications of them in the daily 
Richmond papers were exact copies, in every respect, of the 
original. Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

(Signed) Fitz Lee, 

Major-General Commanding. 

This raid of Kilpatrick and Dahlgren attracted universal 
attention all over the North as well as the South. 

Besides the death of Dahlgren, his command was scattered 
and many of them fell into the hands of the Confederates. 
With reference to these Mr. Davis says : 

The prisoners, having been captured in disguise, were, under 
the usages of war, liable to be hanged as spies, but their protes- 
tations that their service was not voluntary, and the fact that 
as enlisted men they were subject to orders, and could not be 
held responsible for the infamous instructions under which 
they were acting, saved them from the death-penalty they had 
fully incurred. PHOTOGRAPHIC COPIES OF THE 
PAPERS FOUND ON DAHLGREN'S BODY WERE 
TAKEN AND SENT TO GENERAL LEE, with instructions 
to communicate them to General Meade, commanding the 
enemy's forces in his front, with an inquiry as to whether such 
practices were authorized by his Government, and also to say 
that, IF ANY QUESTION WAS RAISED AS TO THE 
COPIES, THE ORIGINAL PAPER WOULD BE SUB- 
MITTED. NO SUCH QUESTION WAS THEN MADE, 
and THE DENIAL THAT DAHLGREN'S CONDUCT 
HAD BEEN AUTHORIZED WAS ACCEPTED. 

Many sensational stories, having not even a basis of truth, 
were put in circulation to exhibit the Confederate authorities as 
having acted with unwarrantable malignity toward the deceased 
Colonel Dahlgren. The fact was, that his body was sent to 
Richmond and decently interred in the Oakwood Cemetery, 



l82 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

where other Federal soldiers were buried. The enormity of 
HIS OFFENSES WAS NOT FORGOTTEN, but resentment 
against him ended with his life. It was also admitted that, 
however bad his preceding conduct had been, he met his fate 
gallantly, charging at the head of his men when he found him- 
self inextricably encompassed by his foe. 

It would be fair to give the explanations made by the 
friends of Colonel Dahlgren, who, however, do not appear to 
have ever published any explanation from any ofRcer or 
soldier of Colonel Dahlgren's force of 500 picked men. The 
defense seems to have been made by persons who felt called 
upon to exonerate General Meade. 

A major-general of the Federal army* writes as follows : 

The only other event of note, before the arrival of General 
Grant, was the Kilpatrick-Dahlgren raid upon Richmond. // 
was authorised directly from Washington, and was not the 
suggestion of General Meade, nor did it have his approval ; 
however, he set about carrying it into effect with all proper 
spirit and energy. The movement depended largely for its 
success upon its secrecy, and, therefore, when Colonel Dahlgren 
arrived from Washington before the preparations were com- 
pleted, and asked to be permitted to accompany Kilpatrick, 
Meade was annoyed to learn that the expedition was currently 
discussed in the Capital. The plan was for Kilpatrick to move 
generally from our left, passing the right flank of Lee's army, 
and to proceed to Richmond by as direct routes as possible, 
while, as diversions, and to cover his movement, Custer, with 
2,000 cavalry, was to make a raid beyond Gordonsville, and the 
Sixth Corps and Birney's division of the Third were to move in 
support of Custer to Madison Court House on Robertson's 
River. No effort was made to conceal this movement, as it was 
intended to convey the impression to the enemy that a formidable 
attempt was to be made upon his left flank. Upon the arrival 
of Sedgwick and Birney at Robertson's River at nightfall of the 
27th of February, Custer went by with his command, with 
instructions to proceed toward Charlottesville, and, if possible, 
to destroy the railway bridge near that place. 



♦General Martin T. McMahon in Century War Series, No. 26. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 183 

His movement had certainly had the desired effect as a diver- 
sion. While these operations were taking place Kilpatrick had 
advanced in the direction of Richmond and had divided his 
forces, sending a portion under Dahlgren to strike the James 
River above Richmond, retaining the main body under his own 
command until he was satisfied that the experiment was not 
feasible. He made his way down the Peninsula in the direction 
of Butler's command, and was subsequently transferred by boat 
to rejoin the Army of the Potomac, or more properly the horse- 
hospital camp, near Washington. Aside from our losses in 
men, and among them the gallant and heroic Dahlgren, the result 
of this movement was to disable for the time being 3,000 or 4,000 
of the very flower of our cavalry. 

A gentleman* who appears to have investigated the particu- 
lars of the expedition of Kilpatrick and Dahlgren writes as 
follows : 

On the night of Sunday, the 28th of February, 1864, Gen. 
Judson Kilpatrick, leaving Stevensburg with 4,000 cavalry and 
a battery of horse artillery, crossed the Rapidan at Ely's Ford, 
surprised and captured the enemy's picket there, and marched 
rapidly by Spottsylvania Court House toward Richmond. 

"His object was to move past the enemy's right flank, enter 
the Confederate Capital, and release the Union captives in its 
military prisons. This bold project had grown out of PRESI- 
DENT LINCOLN'S DESIRE TO HAVE HIS AMNESTY 
PROCLAMATION CIRCULATED WITHIN THE CON- 
FEDERATE LINES; AND GENERAL KILPATRICK, 
WITH WHOM MR. LINCOLN DIRECTLY CON- 
FERRED, HAD REPORTED TO GENERAL MEADE, ON 
THIS OFFICER'S APPLICATION, A PLAN WHICH 
INCLUDED THE RELEASE OF THE RICHMOND 
PRISONERS AND A RAID UPON THE ENEMY'S COM- 
MUNICATIONS AND SUPPLIES. His force was to be 
chosen from the cavalry corps, mostly from his own — the 
Third — division ; and Col. Ulric Dahlgren, separating from him 
near Spottsylvania, with five hundred picked men, was to cross 
the James, enter Richmond on the south side, after liberating 
the Belle Isle prisoners, and unite with Kilpatrick's main force 
entering the city from the north at 10 a. m. of Tuesday, March 



*George E. Pond in Century War Series, No. 26. 



184 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

1st. General Meade aided the enterprise with simultaneous 
demonstrations of the Sixth Corps and of Birney's division of 
the Third against Lee's left, and of Custer's cavalry division 
toward Charlottesville." 

The publication of the Dahlgren papers did not materially 
add to the now revengeful feelings of the Confederate sol- 
diers. They did not think that Dahlgren had attempted to do 
anything worse than many Federal officers and soldiers were 
doing every day in many parts of the South. They thought 
the homes in Richmond no more sacred than those of the 
Shenandoah Valley that were in ashes ; and while President 
Davis and his Cabinet were of greater value to the Confed- 
eracy it would be no worse to kill them than for Gen. Stephen 
G. Burbridge to shoot innocent prisoners, at Lexington, 
Kentucky, because his raiding parties were fired on from 
ambush and men killed or wounded. The same policy was 
being pursued by Col. Sam Johnson at Hopkinsville, Ken- 
tucky, and by Gen. E. A. Paine at Gallatin, Tennessee. This 
was Gen. John C. Fremont's policy in Missouri, even in 
1 86 1, toward men who might be caught with arms in their 
hands, though they might wear a so-called Confederate 
uniform. 

It appeared that the war party in the North claimed a 
monopoly of this mode of warfare. The slightest innova- 
tion by Confederates was regarded as infamous and "un- 
paralleled in the annals of war." General Morgan and sixty- 
eight of his officers were subjected to penitentiary treatment 
and discipline on the charge of being "horse thieves." Their 
heads were shaved or cropped close to the skin and likewise 
mustaches or beards. They occupied convicts' cells and 
received the dungeon treatment of convicts at the option of 
guards or wardens upon any infraction, real or supposed, 
of the penitentiary rules. They were not recognized as pris- 
oners of war. They were not in a military prison even 
suffering the privations there under military discipline. But 
they had been delivered by Major-General Burnside, after 
their capture in battle or on the march, to Governor Tod of 
Ohio to be confined in the penitentiary as felons. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 185 

These and many other like views were common subjects 
now among the best men in the Confederate Army. It 
seemed a bitter fate to the Southern people according to 
the opinions of the Confederate soldiers. 

It was some consolation to them, however, that about half 
the Northern people were opposed to the cruel war upon the 
Southern people and seemed ready to fight against being 
drafted into the Union Army. 

The riot in New York City against the enforcement of 
the draft was a notable instance. On this occasion the mob 
had held sway in the city for several days. Governor 
Horatio Seymour, of New York, appeared upon the scene 
and appealed to the rioters for peace and good order, prom- 
ising to have the "order for the draft suspended," but by 
way of warning to the authorities at Washington or rather 
to President Lincoln, he exclaimed, in a public address in 
New York City : 

Remember this, that the bloody, and treasonable, and revolu- 
tionary doctrine of public necessity can be proclaimed by a mob 
as well as by a government. * * * When men accept 
despotism, they may have a choice as to who the despot shall be ! 

It was this condition of affairs that animated the South- 
ern citizens and soldiers in extending so warm a welcome to 
General Morgan upon his escape from captivity. Indeed, 
the presence of Morgan in the Confederacy was an inspira- 
tion to the soldiers. 



CHAPTER XX 

Morgan at Abingdon — General Jenkins wounded and his com- 
mand routed — Martin leads a charge — Morgan defeats enemy 
near Wytheville — His last raid to Kentucky — Captures 
garrison at Mt. Sterling — Martin's command surprised by 
Burbridge — Defense and escape with severe loss — Fight and 
capture of garrison at Cynthiana — Capture of Gen. E. H. 
Hobson and his command at Cynthiana — Morgan defeated by 
Burbridge — Escape to Virginia, 

The universal manifestation of confidence by the people 
and soldiers in General Morgan seemed to inspire him with 
fresh enthusiasm, and he at once proceeded to organize a 
division out of the fragments of his old division that had 
not been captured and other detachments and commands 
of Kentucky cavalry that were available in western Virginia. 

Since the arrival of General Morgan at Abingdon some 
exciting events had occurred. I learned from my comrades 
at the hotel in Abingdon that two expeditions of the Fed- 
erals had attacked the line of railroad, from Abingdon to 
Richmond, at Dublin near New River bridge. General 
Jenkins commanded the Confederate garrison stationed at 
this place. Upon the approach of the Federals under com- 
mand of General Crook, General Morgan sent the dis- 
mounted fragments of his old division, about four hundred 
men, under Col. D. Howard Smith and Lieut. -Col. Martin 
to the assistance of Jenkins. When they arrived at Dublin 
Depot General Jenkins had been attacked by a superior force 
and his troops were in retreat toward the depot from their 
line of battle. In a vain endeavor to rally his men. General 
Jenkins was seriously wounded. Colonel McCausland, who 
succeeded to the command, was making the same attempt, 
when Morgan's men rushed from the cars, and forming 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 187 

quickly Colonel Martin led them in a charge upon the enemy, 
who were rushing forward wildly upon the idea that the 
garrison was at their mercy. They were driven back in 
confusion, though the retreating troops of General Jenkins 
did not halt to help their rescuers. Finally the enemy after 
reforming advanced with a large force, when Smith and 
Martin withdrew their men and safely crossed New River, 
where they remained until the next morning and then re- 
turned to Abingdon. Captain Cleburne, a young brother 
of Maj.-Gen. Pat Cleburne of Bragg's army, was killed in 
the charge of Morgan's men at Dublin Depot. 

The enemy under General Averill at the same time had 
advanced against Wytheville, where a Confederate force was 
posted. 

General Morgan had hurried from Abingdon, with his 
mounted force, to Wytheville and arrived in advance of the 
enemy. A sharp engagement ensued as the enemy ap- 
proached, which resulted in a victory for the troops under 
General Morgan's command, including a brigade of cavalry 
commanded by General Jones that was stationed at Wythe- 
ville. The Confederates lost between fifty and sixty killed 
and wounded. But they had inflicted a heavier loss upon 
Averill's force, besides taking over one hundred prisoners 
and nearly two hundred horses. Generals Crook and Averill 
retreated northward after these engagements and General 
Morgan returned to Abingdon. 

I had arrived at Abingdon a few days after these occur- 
rences, and while the enemy had fallen back from our terri- 
tory they still occupied advanced positions in West Virginia 
and threatened Saltville, which had been guarded by Gen- 
eral Morgan, and he was still expected to protect the salt 
works located there. 

There was now an active effort to equip General Mor- 
gan's troops. But for the first time in its history the Gov- 
ernment at Richmond was furnishing supplies to General 
Morgan's command, though in scant measure. 



188 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Martin got permission from General Morgan to go to 
the country and recruit the horses of his staff. We went 
some fifteen miles distant in the mountains, where we located 
on a fertile plateau. In leaving Abingdon I with a number 
of others traveled in a two-horse wagon. 

Colonel Martin went by General Morgan's headquarters 
and when he overtook us on the road he handed me an 
envelope. It contained my commission from General Mor- 
gan as 1st lieutenant in the Tenth Kentucky Cavalry. Mar- 
tin told me afterwards that General Morgan appreciated my 
trip to Nashville. He also told me that he was to command 
the dismounted men organized into a brigade on the raid 
to Kentucky which would be made within a few days. He 
said he wanted me to serve on his staff. > 

The command started about the first of June. There were 
two mounted brigades, one commanded by Colonel Giltner 
and the other by Col. D. Howard Smith. These of course 
went ahead of our dismounted men and cleared the route. 

Colonel Martin's staff was made up as follows : Lieut. 
Arthur Andrews, assistant adjutant-general; Capt. Bob 
Berry, commissary; Capt. Orville West, quartermaster; 
Lieut. John W. Headley, inspector-general ; Lieuts. Oscar L. 
Barbour and Meade Woodson, aides-de-camp. There was 
nothing for this staff to do on the march to Kentucky. I 
simply fell into ranks and marched in the column for four 
days, when I began to fag, and took my place among the 
stragglers, who were loaded down with swollen feet and 
legs. When I reached Hazel Green I learned I was half a 
day behind the head of our column. But I pushed on, 
stopping to wade in cool streams occasionally, hoping that 
might take out some of the swelling. At Ticktown I was 
informed that our brigade would camp in Mt. Sterling that 
night and wait for the column to close up. Also that Gen- 
eral Morgan had captured the garrison the night before and 
several hundred horses for our men. This news stimulated 
me to try and reach camp before the horses were distributed. 
I arrived at about eleven o'clock at night. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 189 

The command was camped in a woodland on a ridge that 
crossed the pike about half a mile before reaching Mt. Ster- 
ling. Nearly every man in camp was fast asleep. I did not 
go ten feet from the pike, but spread my pallet and tried to 
sleep or rest, but could do neither. Many others were in 
equally bad condition. I learned that Colonel Martin's 
headquarters were across the pike. 

At daylight I got up and lighted my pipe, concluding I 
would smoke for consolation. Just then two or three shots 
were fired about half a mile down the pike on which we had 
come into camp. I heard several horses coming at full 
speed and then a storm began to roar in the same direction. 
It was a column of horses on the pike after the pickets. Only 
a few men in the whole command seemed to be awake or 
to have heard the shots. I began to shout aloud, forgetting 
my heavy legs, and wabbled around in the camp to rouse the 
soldiers. Others spread the alarm, but objects could hardly 
be seen very far as daylight was barely breaking. On came 
the uproar up the pike. The pickets ran by, yelling the 
alarm, and there was confusion all over the camp. I hardly 
had an idea of our location, but discovered a plank fence 
back from the pike about seventy-five yards. There was 
none along the pike on our side. I and other officers called 
to the men to get over the fence and lie down. Those who 
got up went in a run for the fence. The enemy was coming 
into the camp now, shooting men as they got up or as they 
lay asleep. It looked like a slaughter. But from the fence 
the fire opened and we began to pour buckshot into the 
crowded enemy and they were falling fast. They spread 
all over the camp in a few minutes, and kept shooting our 
men who were trying to escape. Our fire from over four 
hundred guns was telling on their ranks all the time. They 
were not over a hundred feet from us. Suddenly a horseman 
from their crowd galloped toward us bareheaded, shouting, 
"Come over the fence, boys, and charge quick!" Every one 
recognized the form and voice of Col. Bob Martin. There 
was no hesitation. The line went over the fence in an instant 
and went right up to them with shotguns and pistols. 



190 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

The enemy got so blocked they ran over each other as well 
as the dead and wounded. We yelled and fought still, 
crowding them so closely that they were in such confusion 
they could not shoot, and there was no room for them to 
spread and get out of each other's way. Martin was yell- 
ing, and fighting with his pistol along with the rest. It was 
light enough to see some distance now, and the enemy's 
column seemed to have clogged in the lane, which was hedged 
by a strong plank fence on both sides, and they could not 
get off their horses nor out of the lane, so Martin led the 
charge on the crowded head of their column so furiously that 
it stampeded for a hundred yards at least. They got a piece 
of artillery through the fence about two hundred yards dis- 
tant and began to throw canister into the camp. But we 
were fifty yards down the lane now and pushing ahead. I 
saw Colonel Martin and his horse go down some ten steps 
from me, but he arose quickly and within a few minutes was 
on another horse. Rushing toward me on the right he told 
me to take some men and get that cannon while he rushed 
the column back on the pike. I called on the men around 
me to follow, and they sprang forward in a run, loading 
their guns and firing as they went. I had no gun and held 
my pistol fire for closer quarters. 

Martin was going with the main force right on the enemy 
in the pike and had them nearly back to the cannon. Their 
whole column along the lane was jammed. My party was 
inside the field and we went along as fast as we could load 
and shoot. My men fired in the rear of the head of the 
column, as I thought that would increase the confusion. We 
were already beyond the head of the column, but it had no 
time to give my crowd any attention, while our column on 
foot was all around the stampeding front. We then made a 
rush for the cannon and stopped firing. Three of my men 
reached the cannon ahead of me. 

A number of shots were falling around us from the rear, 
some distance back, where I noticed several men were over 
in the field on foot, having turned their horses loose in the 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 191 

crushing crowd along the lane. The horses were gone from 
the cannon and one of those hitched to the caisson was dead 
in the harness, while the other one seemed frightened nearly 
to death but could not go anywhere with his load. Unfor- 
tunately, none of my party knew how to load and shoot the 
cannon or we would have turned it on their struggling 
masses in the lane as far as we could see. The men were 
cutting the harness off the dead horse, as our fighting col- 
umn had now passed us ; but I observed, not over a hundred 
yards from us, the enemy was putting men into the field, 
dismounted, and knew they would not be long in coming. 
We thereupon hitched ourselves to the cannon and went up 
the slope as fast as we could, some of the men bringing 
what they could carry from the caisson. 

The firing had lulled somewhat by the time we got into 
our camp, where we hoped a squad might be ready to load 
and open on the masses in the lane. I then saw that the 
enemy had dismounted about a hundred yards from us and 
formed on both sides of the lane and were about ready to 
move forward. More were still going over the fences on 
each side farther in the rear. Martin was now falling back 
slowly, still firing. We took the cannon and pushed on, my 
aim being now to get away with it. I supposed the other 
two brigades were near by and was expecting every minute 
they would come to our rescue. 

We hurried forward with the cannon and were out of 
danger, when we stopped to see if we had better go to help 
the men with Martin and try to find some one who could 
shoot the cannon. 

Bullets began to pepper the ground around us and to pass 
higher from the dismounted enemy in the field. One struck 
me on the shin of the left leg. It must have struck a rail 
or something else, however, as it only half buried itself in 
the flesh and dropped in my boot leg. It hurt about like 
the lick of a stone thrown hard at a short distance. 

Martin was now bringing the men back rapidly, and gal- 
loping to me said we would have to leave the cannon. He 



192 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

told me he was shot in the foot and hurried away. I did 
not know the other six men who went with me to capture the 
cannon, but I have since learned they were from Carroll 
County, Kentucky. 

With my swollen limbs, I soon dropped to the rear, but 
the enemy was not pressing us. Their mounted column that 
was jammed in the lane could not pursue without trampling 
their own dead and wounded. 

There was a common between our camp and Mt. Sterling 
and I now had several hundred yards to go before reaching 
the suburbs. Just as I reached the foot of the ridge and the 
edge of the common, several loose horses, with their halters 
dangling, came running around from the right, and I spread 
myself to coax one to stop. I finally secured one, and mount- 
ing him bareback guided him by the halter rein. I galloped 
through town and soon reached Martin, who was trying to 
get all the men closed up. We went out the Winchester 
pike and half a mile from town passed through a cut in a 
ridge that crossed the pike. It seemed to be the same ridge 
that wound round toward our camp. Just behind this ridge 
we came upon the mounted brigade of Colonel Giltner stand- 
ing in line. The Colonel rode to us, and he and Colonel 
Martin agreed to make a stand here. Martin turned his 
column and formed a line on the right of the pike facing 
Mt. Sterling. We could see the enemy in town and presently 
a dismounted line moved forward with skirmishers in ad- 
vance. The pike curved somewhat in Giltner's front, or 
rather it circled so that Giltner was first to be engaged. 

As the enemy pressed forward. Colonel Martin en- 
deavored to move forward and to turn the enemy's left flank, 
but was met with a volley from a line of skirmishers that 
covered our front. Driving these back we came in sight of 
a dismounted line of battle some two hundred yards from 
the ridge. The line officers in Martin's remnant reported 
the ammunition exhausted. This was no surprise after the 
engagement of the early morning. Giltner's brigade re- 
pulsed the advance against his position while we were simply 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 193 

holding ours. But soon the enemy advanced upon us 
slowly and our remaining shots were fired, after which 
Colonel Martin withdrew his line and part of Giltner's bri- 
gade occupied our position. We did not know whether or 
not Giltner could resist the advance, so Colonel Martin 
ordered his men to hasten to reach the woods half a mile 
farther back. Meanwhile, Captain West, the quartermaster, 
was endeavoring to get a supply of ammunition from Gilt- 
ner's stock. The enemy, from an elevation to our right, 
sent a volley at our mounted party as we were leaving the 
ridge and Martin and I had to go under fire for about fifty 
yards. The weary officers and men were getting away in 
droves; perhaps half of the command was bareheaded, 1 
asked Martin why Giltner had not come to our assistance in 
the morning when he had only a mile to go and we were 
fighting from daybreak until after sunrise. "I do not know," 
he said, laughing; "I did not ask him why he didn't." 

I asked Martin how we happened to be surprised. He 
said General Morgan had captured Mt. Sterling the night 
before we arrived, taking 400 prisoners, a lot of horses, 
teams and supplies ; and had gone to Winchester to take 
that place and try to mount our men without delay, leaving 
Colonel Brent with 50 men for guard posts. He said he 
directed Brent to post the picket at least a mile from camp. 
I then told him that I reached the camp at eleven o'clock and 
the pickets told me the camp was not over two hundred 
yards ahead, which I found to be true. He said he didn't 
know anything about Brent, except that he ought to be 
court-martialed, etc. 

Colonel Martin now complained of his foot giving him 
pain. A bullet had furrowed across on top at the base of 
the instep and it was bloody. We thought best for him to 
get a surgeon. He went off after one and to have it 
examined. 

Our little command had reached the pike and halted near 
the woods while Giltner's brigade still held the ridge, but 
the firing had about ceased. 



194 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

We discovered a command of cavalry on the pike toward 
Winchester coming at full speed, and in a few minutes the 
men shouted, "Morgan, Morgan, that's Morgan!" The 
boys yelled for joy, and Morgan's men came yelling. Their 
princely commander was recognized in the lead, bareheaded, 
but waving his hat and cheering as he pushed forward. He 
was the first to reach us. Halting his column, he rode 
around among our 450 men until they quieted. I sat by the 
side of the pike on my naked horse and watched him. I had 
never seen General Morgan before. Everything in his 
appearance denoted elegance and gallantry. He had the 
exquisite form of perfect manhood, with the fair complexion, 
the mellow blue eyes, and the charming features of a hand- 
some woman. He listened to the stories of our disaster for 
a few minutes. Then with words of sympathy for the men 
he exclaimed, "I'll get them yet," and told them they should 
not walk any farther. He called to Colonel Smith and said 
a few words. I overheard the remark that these men must 
have something to eat at once and drinking water. He 
ordered Smith's brigade forward to support Giltner. It had 
been standing in a column of fours for ten minutes, while 
one of Morgan's staff officers had been to confer with Gilt- 
ner, whose brigade had ceased firing. Morgan then asked 
for Colonel Martin. Some one said, "Yonder is Lieutenant 
Headley, he can tell," at the same time calling me. I went 
forward and Morgan said he was glad to know me. I told 
him I had just learned Martin was at the house not far away, 
to which I pointed in Giltner' s direction. He galloped away. 
It was soon rumored that Morgan was going to attack the 
town. 

A supply of rations arrived, fires were started in the wood- 
land, and we were soon eating a meal. I had not eaten a 
mouthful since noon of the day before. In a little while a 
man brought me a saddle and bridle which Colonel Martin 
had sent, and a message for me to join him. His foot had 
been dressed but was swollen and, some of the bones being 
broken, he was suffering. 




Major-General J(_ihin H. Morgan 
1864 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 395 

After an hour or so Martin received a message from Mor- 
gan, by a staff officer, that it was deemed inexpedient to 
attack the enemy in town, having ascertained that they had 
occupied and barricaded the court-house and principal brick 
buildings. It would be necessary to burn the town, which 
Morgan was unwilling to do. 

The entire command was now formed on the pike and 
moved toward Winchester. Most of our little brigade had 
been furnished horses and the rest rode in wagons. 

Before we had gone far Colonel Martin sent for me. He 
wanted me to go and ask General Morgan to assign our 
remnant to one of the other brigades. Morgan studied a 
moment and said all rig-ht, he would put the men with Col- 
onel Smith's brigade. He sent me to tell Smith, but said 
he would see him also. I caught up with Smith and reported 
the arrangement. He invited me to serve with him and said 
the others on Martin's staff could do likewise. His inquir- 
ies as to myself brought out the fact that he had served in 
the State Senate of Kentucky with my father, so we became 
good friends. 

Colonel Smith told me of the fight at Mt. Sterling the 
morning before our arrival, when they captured 400 pris- 
oners, supplies, etc. He explained that his brigade went with 
General Morgan to Winchester, twelve miles, leaving Gilt- 
ner's brigade with horses and supplies for Martin's dis- 
mounted brigade. 

These events occurred on the 9th day of June, 1864. 

Marching from Mt. Sterling we passed through Win- 
chester and entered Lexington after midnight. The garri- 
son of the enemy there was driven into a fortification on one 
side of the city. We only remained here a short time. 

Early next morning we marched into Georgetown and 
halted for several hours. Meanwhile, several details had 
been sent toward Frankfort and in other directions to make 
feints and deceive the enemy. We left Georgetown on the 
pike toward Cynthiana. 



196 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

At sunrise the next morning, the nth, we approached 
Cynthiana on the Leesburg pike, with Giltner's brigade in 
front. The pickets were driven in, the command going 
forward at a gallop. There was some firing at the fleeing 
pickets. A brisk fight was raging when the head of our bri- 
gade came to the suburbs, at a point where the pike descended 
from a ridge and entered the town. Just beyond a brick 
residence on the right, inside a blue-grass meadow. General 
Morgan sat on his horse with members of his staff around 
him. The meadow sloped down to the railroad depot, a dis- 
tance perhaps of two hundred yards on the right. The 
depot was in the edge of the town and occupied by the enemy. 
Giltner had reached the town and his men were now fighting 
on the other side of the depot from us. Smith's brigade was 
dismounted and entered the meadow, charging toward the 
depot. Lieutenants Andrews, Barbour, and I went along 
on horseback. We were received with a storm of bullets 
from the depot and were obliged to halt about fifty yards 
from it ; some lying down, others finding shelter along a fence 
to the left were thus enabled to creep closer. Here a courier 
from General Morgan brought a message for me and others 
on horseback to come back. He said we were exposing our- 
selves and doing no good. 

This position was held for perhaps half an hour, when 
Giltner's men, having set fire to the houses near the depot, 
were now in the act of setting it on fire when the white flag 
was hoisted by the enemy. The doors were opened and our 
men entered the building from all sides. 

The enemy had suffered severely inside the depot. Their 
commander, Colonel Berry, was among the killed. He was 
a wealthy farmer of the county near Berry Station, which 
had been named for him by the railroad company some years 
before. He had been straightened on his back by some of 
his men, with a piece of plank under his head, when I went 
to see him as he lay on the floor. He was a large, tall, fine- 
looking man, apparently about forty-eight years of age. 
Some one remarked that he had a son in Morgan's command. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 197 

I immediately thought of Capt. Robert Berry, who was 
commissary on the staff of Colonel Martin and now with 
Colonel Smith, I went at once to find him and he proved 
to be the son. It was sad to see him look upon his father's 
face in death for a moment and then come away. He did 
not know until then that his father had entered the service 
on the other side, though a Union man from the beginning 
of the war. 

Not long afterward it was reported that a force of the 
enemy had arrived on the other side of the town by rail- 
road from Cincinnati. Giltner's brigade formed and en- 
gaged them for a while, then General Morgan with Smith's 
brigade followed. We found the forces nearly a mile from 
town. The enemy's force consisted of infantry. After they 
disembarked their train had gone back. When our brigade 
moved up in full view, the Federal commander formed his 
force in a hollow square about the middle of a large blue- 
grass pasture. Their flag was planted on each side. The 
commander and his staff sat mounted in the center. The 
enemy, as nearly as I could estimate, numbered about 1,500 
men. General Morgan's force here present numbered about 
1,800 men, and he at once formed a hollow square, mounted, 
facing to the inside all around the enemy and about two 
hundred yards away. This consumed some time, but the 
display was an attractive dress-parade. General Morgan 
now sent a flag of truce and, without firing a gun, the enemy 
surrendered. The commander who surrendered this force 
was Gen. E. A. Hobson, whose command had captured Gen- 
eral Morgan's command in Ohio. But General Morgan did 
not retaliate upon Hobson for his own treatment as a felon in 
the Ohio Penitentiary, as he was satisfied General Hobson 
had not inspired it and should not be held responsible. 

General Duke says : 

General Hobson was paroled and sent, under escort of Capt. 
C, C. Morgan and two other officers, to Cincinnati, to effect, if 
possible, the exchange of himself and officers for certain of 



198 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

General Morgan's officers then in prison, and, failing in that, to 
report as a prisoner within the Confederate lines. He was not 
permitted to negotiate the exchange and his escort were detained 
for some weeks. 

It was now nearly night, and General Morgan proceeded 
to commit the first mistake in his hitherto brilliant career, 
which had never been equaled except by the indomitable 
Forrest. After detailing, including the detachments which 
had been sent in different directions, guards for the pris- 
oners and wagon-train, perhaps 600 men altogether, the re- 
mainder of about 1,500 were moved out on the Paris pike 
less than a mile from town, where they were encamped in a 
woods pasture. We were only thirty miles from Mt. Ster- 
ling, where Burbridge with 4,000 cavalry had surprised 
Colonel Martin's camp two days before. Giltner's brigade 
was near the pike on the right and Smith's brigade still 
farther to the right — all on a ridge that crossed the Paris 
pike. 

At daylight next morning I was awake and heard several 
rifle shots two or three hundred yards up the pike in front 
of Giltner's camp. Andrews, Barbour, and I were ready, 
as we had not taken off any clothing when we retired and our 
horses were saddled and ready. I awakened Colonel Smith 
nearby — we were all sleeping under the same tree — who 
directed us to wake up the camp and have the command 
formed. We found Colonel Bowles, Captains Kirkpatrick 
and Cantrill already up and their commands falling into 
line as fast as the men could get ready and mount. 

The enemy had reached Giltner's command, which had 
formed hastily, and an engagement was in progress. The 
enemy began to appear about four hundred to five hundred 
yards distant, moving from the pike in our direction, and 
presently their mounted line swung around in our front. 
Lieutenant Andrews, who had gone for Colonel Smith, came 
with orders for our line to move forward. We did not go 
far when the command was dismounted and sent forward on 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 199 

foot. Barbour and I went with Colonel Bowles's command, 
which was on the extreme right. The Federal line was 
stretched from our front all the way to the pike. The con- 
flict with Giltner was in plain view but the line in our front 
was standing still. Our line went forward yelling, the right 
going over a rock fence into a small woods pasture. Just 
to the left of this was a rail fence and a big gate in line with 
the rock fence. Soon after we passed this line of fencing, 
to my surprise Colonel Martin passed us shouting, 
"Charge !" I had not seen him for two days. He was rid- 
ing with one foot in the stirrup and the other on a pillow 
and hooked around the horn of his saddle. Barbour and 
I went with him, but the enemy soon halted us all. They 
opened fire and stood firm. 

When we were within one hundred yards of their line, 
they started a charge upon the front of Bowles, to our right, 
and their whole line moved forward. Colonel Martin 
ordered our line to fall back. Bowles's men formed behind 
the rock fence. Cantrill and Kirkpatrick were not so well 
protected, but the first charge was directed at Bowles. Be- 
fore we could get through the gate my hat was knocked off 
in the rush and the gateway was choked for a minute. 
Colonel Martin held my horse while I got my hat, as I was 
just as safe on the ground while waiting to get through the 
gate. The Federals rushed into the little woods pasture and 
came within fifty feet of the rock fence under fire as if they 
were going to ride over it, but Bowles's men did not waver 
or slacken a continuous fire. He sat his horse and rode 
along his line, while Colonel Martin and others aided in 
encouraging the line to hold that fence. It was too hot for 
the enemy. They recoiled, but, after halting about one 
hundred yards distant and reforming under fire, they came 
rushing forward again — with the same result. On our left, 
Colonel Alston, Captains Cantrill and Kirkpatrick were 
holding their ground against the superior force in their front 
which had apparently hesitated to await the attempt to turn 
our flank. 



203 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Presently a force of several hundred fresh men galloped 
up behind the enemy's line which was in front of the rock 
fence, and swung around to our right. We had no force to 
oppose this flanking charge. At the same time the enemy, 
with -an overwhelming force, moved forward all along the 
line. I observed that Giltner's line was broken away to the 
left, and the enemy was charging with yells. It was now a 
race for our men to reach their horses ahead of the enemy. 
Many of the horses were turned loose by the horse-holders, 
who were determined to escape. From this moment there 
was a stampede of the entire command. Lieutenant Bar- 
bour, Major Gassett, of General Morgan's staff, and I were 
the last to cross the bridge over the Licking River on the 
Leesburg pike. The Federals then took possession of it and 
stopped to take prisoners as our men came up. 

We went about two hundred yards up the pike and then 
halted to see if we were pursued. We saw half a dozen of 
our men plunge into the stream one hundred yards from the 
bridge, when the Federals opened fire on them as they swam 
across. W^e recognized Colonel Martin and Captain Christy 
in the squad. Several Federals galloped from the bridge 
to capture them as they came out. Martin was off his horse 
as it came up the bank, but was trying to mount and suc- 
ceeded. He then led the squad, and opening fire on the 
enemy, who seemed to be waiting for a surrender, charged 
through, scattering them; but a reinforcement from the 
bridge turned Martin's party up the river. We saw they 
could not get with us, so we galloped away to get a good 
start. We only went along the pike to the first woods on 
the left and turned off, making our way some fifteen miles 
through the country before we camped. 

We made the journey safely through the mountains to 
Abingdon, Virginia. Within a day or two Colonel Martin 
and Lieutenant Andrews arrived. Many others arrived 
singly or in crowds under some officer, and finally General 
Morgan with a large number of the command reached 
Abingdon. 



CHAPTER XXI 

Morgan reestablishes headquarters at Abingdon — Reorganizing 
his command — Officers recuperate — Richmond authorities 
aroused against Morgan — Skirmish of Major Cantrill with 
scouts — Detached by Secretary of War. 

The result of the expedition of General Morgan into Ken- 
tucky was unfortunate in its effect at Richmond, more than 
in the losses the command had suffered. Although the 
troops came in fragments, except the considerable force with 
General Morgan, it seemed that nearly all the command, ex- 
cept the killed and wounded, finally reached Abingdon and 
really better equipped than when they started on the raid. 
All were well mounted and armed. 

Colonel Martin's wounded foot had not fully healed and 
he was practically off duty. A number of us who belonged 
to his staff while he commanded a brigade were now out of a 
job. Martin proposed that we go down toward Bristol and 
recuperate our horses. Lieutenant Barbour and I joined 
him and we arranged for board with Mr. Thomas near Bris- 
tol, who was a prosperous farmer. Within a few days we 
were joined by Lieut.-Col. Robert A. Alston, of South Car- 
olina, and Adjutant Andrews. Alston had been adjutant- 
general on the staff of General Morgan and had commanded 
a battalion on the Kentucky raid. 

At this time most of the command had reached Virginia 
and General Morgan immediately began its reorganization. 
A battalion was put in camp near our location under com- 
mand of Maj. James E. Cantrill. 

General Morgan had reestablished his headquarters, how- 
ever, at Abingdon and that was the chief rendezvous of the 
command. 



202 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

It was now common talk that the authorities at Richmond 
had broken out afresh against General Morgan, it being 
claimed that he had not asked or received permission to make 
the raid into Kentucky. We had been expecting this turn 
of affairs, although none could understand why the Govern- 
ment should ever be in readiness to handicap General Mor- 
gan as had been done with Forrest, They had both recruited 
more soldiers, had killed, wounded, and captured more of the 
forces, and captured and destroyed more of the stores, arms, 
equipments, and railroad bridges of the enemy since the war 
began than any other brigadier or major-general in the South- 
ern army. They had displayed as much practical military 
capacity and rendered more effective service. And yet there 
seemed to be an insatiable determination to subordinate and 
restrain their untiring endeavors to aid the Southern cause. 
The unwillingness to trust them apparently appeared to be 
caused by the fact that neither was a graduate of West Point. 
The same spirit no doubt had promoted and upheld General 
Wheeler, who had never recruited a regiment or won a bat- 
tle, but on the contrary had made a worse blunder, in attack- 
ing Fort Donelson, in January, 1863, where he was defeated, 
than could be charged against Forrest or Morgan. There 
was no record that General Wheeler had ever won a battle. 
All the soldiers, however, believed General Wheeler to be 
a true soldier and a good fighter, but could find no reason 
for giving him the forces of other commanders. He was 
but little over twenty-five years of age and the soldiers 
thought he ought first to recruit a regiment and learn some- 
thing of practical warfare before becoming a lieutenant- 
general. Still, there was no disposition to reflect upon him 
for accepting all the distinction in the Confederacy for that 
matter, but the strange partiality was spoken of as the "lone 
love" of General Bragg. 

It was well known that General Bragg, after the Mis- 
sionary Ridge disaster, had been taken to Richmond and 
made chief military adviser to President Davis. It was also 
remembered that Bragg and Wheeler had reflected on Gen- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 203 

eral Morgan for going into Indiana and Ohio. It was pretty 
generally understood among the soldiers that Morgan did 
use his own discretion after he got to Kentucky and learned 
that Bragg had begun his retreat to Chattanooga on the 30th 
of June. While the soldiers were ignorant at the time of the 
position that would be taken by Bragg and Wheeler with 
reference to General Morgan's failure to return and help 
Bragg on his retreat, it was believed that the opportunity to 
strike him a lick would not be lost. For it had been seen 
that Bragg would hold on over his own army, at Tullahoma,, 
when even his generals of the highest rank and character 
had told him in writing that he ought to give up the com- 
mand. It was equally clear that Bragg and Wheeler were 
determined to dominate Morgan and Forrest when it was 
notorious that neither was satisfied to serve under Wheeler. 
And equally notorious that the troops of both had volun- 
teered to fight under Forrest and Morgan and did not want 
to follow Wheeler. 

Over four months after Morgan started on the Ohio raid, 
and while he was confined as a felon in the Ohio Penitentiary, 
General Wheeler made an official report to Bragg's adjutant- 
general on the subject of General Morgan's orders given him 
at the time the raid into Kentucky was authorized. The. 
report is as follows : 

Headquarters Cavalry Corps, 

Cleveland, Tenn., November 7, 1865. 
Colonel: I have the honor, in obedience to your instruc- 
tions, to state that, about June 13 last, I received a despatch 
from Brigadier-General Morgan, stating that the enemy at 
Louisville, Ky., were but 300 strong, and asking permission to 
march upon said place, and take and destroy the public works,, 
etc. I immediately presented the matter to the general com- 
manding this army, who had also learned from other sources of 
the small garrison at Louisville, and he directed me to send the 
following order to General Morgan, viz : 

"Headquarters Cavalry Corps, 

"Shelbyville, Tenn., June 14, 1863. 
"General : Your despatch was received last night, and the 
facts communicated to General Bragg, and I visited him to-day 



204 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

on the subject. He directs that you proceed to Kentucky with 
a sufficient number of regiments to make up 1,500 men, and that 
you use your own discretion regarding the amount of artillery 
you take. He directs that you take Kentucky troops and those 
which will be most likely to get recruits. The remainder of 
your command will be left under the command of the senior 
officer. Should you hear that the enemy is advancing for a 
general engagement, General Bragg wishes you to turn rapidly 
and fall upon his rear. 

"I regret exceedingly the circumstances which render it 
impossible for General Bragg to detach your entire division, but 
the probability of an advance upon the part of the enemy makes 
it necessary for him to retain enough force to enable him to hold 
his position should a general engagement take place, and he 
hopes, since the enemy's forces in Kentucky are so reduced, you 
may be able to accomplish much good with the proposed detach- 
ment. General Bragg wishes the movement to take place as 
soon as possible. 

"With great respect, 

"Your obedient servant, 

"Joseph Wheeler, 

"Major-General. 
"Gen. John H. Morgan, 

"Commanding Cavalry Division." 

This was sent, and its receipt acknowledged by General 
Morgan, with the request that he might take 2,000 men, stating 
that with these he could accomplish everything which he had 
proposed, viz., the capture of Louisville, Ky. General Bragg 
acceded to this request, and I sent the following order to General 
Morgan : 

"Special Orders, | 
No. 44. j 

"Headquarters Cavalry Corps, 

"Near Shelby ville, June 18, 1863. 
"i. General Morgan will proceed to Kentucky with a force 
of 2,000 officers and men, including such artillery as he may 
deem most expedient. In addition to accomplishing the work 
which he has proposed, he will, as far as possible, break up and 
destroy the Louisville and Nashville Railroad, He will, if 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 205 

practicable, destroy depots of supplies in the State of Kentucky, 
after which he will return to his present position. 



"By order of Major-General Wheeler. 

"E. S. BURFORD^ 

"Assistant Adjutant-General." 

Prior to General Morgan's departure, I wrote him one or two 
letters, in which I urged his rapid movements, stating that I 
hoped his movements would be so rapid that he would be on 
his return to our army before General Rosecrans could be certain 
he had left Kentucky. The retained copies of these letters were 
unfortunately mislaid. In these letters to General Morgan and 
General Morgan's letters to me, not one word was said about 
his crossing the Ohio River ; but, on the contrary, he was urged 
by me to observe the importance of his returning to our army as 
rapidly as possible. I make this point apparent, as it is one to 
which my attention was particularly called. 

I am, Colonel, very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

Joseph Wheeler, 

Major-General. 
Col. George William Brent, 

Assistant Adjutant-General, Army of Tennessee. 

It might be fair to observe that a great deal of stress is 
laid upon the point that General Morgan was charged to go 
to Kentucky and return, with instructions in advance to fall 
upon the rear of Rosecrans if that general should advance, 
which he was expected to do, and thereby assist General 
Bragg in retiring his army to Chattanooga, which he ex- 
pected to do. 

Unfortunately for this plea of General Wheeler, Bragg be- 
gan his retreat on June 30th and Morgan did not get his 
command across the Cumberland River until the 2d of July. 
Besides this, it does not appear that Bragg needed Morgan. 
He had over 10,000 cavalry after the departure of Morgan's 
force and there seems to be no record that any of it fell on 
the rear of Rosecrans. General Forrest was ordered to 
reconnoiter in force at Triune from Duck River, He went 



206 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

there and skirmished in the village with the enemy until con- 
fronted by an infantry force, when he retired and, being cut 
off from the bridge at Shelbyville, made a circuit and reached 
Bragg at Tullahoma. There seemed to be a sufficient force 
of cavalry under General Wheeler and it was not apparent 
that General Bragg's army could have retired across the 
mountains in better order if Morgan had been in the column. 
If Morgan had im.mediately turned back from Columbia or 
Lebanon he could have done nothing but find his way across 
the mountains into East Tennessee in search of Bragg and 
Wheeler. It therefore appeared to most persons that Mor- 
gan had missed nothing by his Ohio raid except his own 
calculation that there would not be a big rise in the Ohio 
River the last week in July, when he expected to reach Buf- 
lington Island. 

The presence now of General Bragg at Richmond as chief 
military adviser of the authorities accounted for the sudden 
condemnation of General Morgan and the indignation of the 
Secretary of War over this last raid to Kentucky, which 
was soon manifested with spirit, and with the unceremonious 
ill treatment of General Morgan. 

The arduous labors of reorganizing his troops, which were 
continually arriving in squads from Kentucky, so engrossed 
the time and attention of General Morgan that his friends 
contended that he should give little heed to the clamor of this 
unfriendly manifestation at Richmond. 

Capt, John L. Sanford, who was adjutant-general on the 
staff of General Morgan, in a letter to Gen. Basil W. Duke 
says: 

I remember, too, my visit to Richmond during the month of 
August, 1864, on which occasion, at the General's request, I 
called upon the Secretary of War to lay before him some papers 
entrusted to my care, and also to make some verbal explanations 
regarding them. The excited, I may say the exasperated, 
manner in which the Honorable Secretary commented upon the 
documents, left but one impression upon my mind, and that was, 
that the War Department had made up its mind that the party 



IN CANADA AN^D NEW YORK 207 

was guilty and that its conviction should not be offended by any 
evidence to the contrary. The determination to pursue and 
break the General down was apparent to every one, and the 
Kentucky expedition was to be the means to accomplish this end 
(the reasons for a great deal of this enmity are, of course, 
familiar to you). I endeavored to explain to Mr. Seddon the 
injustice of the charge that General Morgan had made his 
expedition without proper authority (I felt this particularly to 
be my duty, as I was the only person then living who could bear 
witness upon this point), but being unable to obtain a quiet 
hearing, I left his office disappointed and disgusted. 

Senator Benjamin H. Hill of Georgia, in 1878, writing 
of the campaign of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston in front of 
Atlanta, shows that President Davis authorized General 
Morgan's expedition to Kentucky, He says : 

On Wednesday or Thursday, I think the 28th or 29th of June, 
1864, a messenger came to my house, sent, as he said, by General 
Johnston, Senator Wigfall of Texas, and Governor Brown of 
Georgia. 

The purpose of his mission, as he explained, was to persuade 
me to write a letter to President Davis urging him to order 
either Morgan or Forrest with five thousand men into Sherman's 
rear, etc. * * * 

The result of this interview was a determination on my part 
to go at once to see General Johnston, and place myself at his 
service. I reached his headquarters near Marietta, on the line 
of the Kenesaw, on Friday morning, which was the last day of 
June or the first day of July. We had a full and free interview, 
and I placed myself unreservedly at his disposal. 

He explained at length that he could not attack General 
Sherman's army in their entrenchments, nor could he prevent 
Sherman from ditching round his (Johnston's) flank and 
compelling his retreat. 

The only method of arresting Sherman's advance was to send 
a force into his rear, cut off his supplies, and thus compel 
Sherman either to give battle on his (Johnston's) terms or 
retreat. In either case he thought he could defeat Sherman, 
and probably destroy his army. 

I said to him, "As you do not propose to attack General 
Sherman in his entrenchments, could you not spare a sufficient 
number of your present army, under Wheeler or some other, to 
accomplish this work ?" 



208 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

He said he could not — that he needed all the force he had in 
front. He then said that General Morgan was at Abingdon, 
Virginia, with five thousand cavalry, and, if the President would 
so order, this force could be sent into Sherman's rear at once. 

He also said that Stephen D. Lee had sixteen thousand men 
under him in Mississippi, including the troops under Forrest 
and Roddey, and that, if Morgan could not be sent, five thousand 
of those under Forrest could do the work. Either Morgan or 
Forrest, with five thovisand men, could compel Sherman to fight 
at a disadvantage or retreat, and there was no reason why either 
should not be sent if the President should give the order. 

I was delayed en route somewhat, and reached Richmond on 
Sunday morning week, which I think was the 9th day of July. 
I went to the hotel, and in a few moments was at the Executive 
Mansion. 

This interview with Mr. Davis I can never forget. 

I laid before him carefully, and in detail, all the facts elicited 
in the conversation with General Johnston, and explained fully 
the purpose of my mission. When I had gone through, the 
President took up the facts, one by one, and fully explained the 
situation. I remember very distinctly many of the facts, for the 
manner as well as matter stated by Mr. Davis was impressive. 
"Long ago" said the President, "I ordered Morgan to make this 
movement upon Sherman's rear, and suggested that his best plan 
was to go directly from Abingdon through East Tennessee. 
But Morgan insisted that, if he zvere permitted to go through 
Kentucky and around Nashville, he could greatly recruit his 
horses and his men by volunteers. / yielded, and alloived him 
to have his own way. He undertook it, but was defeated, and 
has returned back, and is now at Abingdon with only eighteen 
hundred men, very much demoralized, and badly provided with 
horses." 

There was a surplus of officers and several of the best in 
Morgan's division were without a command. We learned 
that Gen. Adam R. Johnson, who had been detached by the 
Secretary of War to operate in western Kentucky, would 
not again return to the division until he could recruit another 
command, or his old brigade should be exchanged. 

Colonel Martin met a Mr. Frank Phipps, who lived down 
in the bend of the Holston River on a splendid farm, and 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 209 

who invited him to bring us and make a visit where we could 
fatten our horses. All went except Colonel Alston. Mr. 
Phipps was at home alone, his family being away at some 
mineral springs in the mountains. We found a luxurious 
home with Mr. Phipps, and remained until his family re- 
turned and then moved to the house of an uncle of his, nearer 
Rogersville, Tennessee. Meanwhile, we had gone with 
Frank Phipps by invitation to dine with his sister, Mrs, 
Bynam, who was a widow, in the suburbs of Rogersville. 
She was one of the handsomest ladies, and hers one of the 
most elegant homes, in Tennessee. She had furnished her 
house with splendor — all that wealth could supply. She 
afterwards married Capt. Harry Clay, of Morgan's com- 
mand. 

A short while after we located with the elder Phipps, the 
battalion from Bristol with Major Cantrill in command 
arrived and camped about two or three miles from Rogers- 
ville. Colonel Martin and Lieutenant Andrews received 
orders to report to General Morgan at Bristol. Lieutenant 
Barbour and I were ordered by Major Cantrill to report to 
him. He assigned me to the command of a company of 28 
men. Lieutenant Barbour was assigned to another company 
with more men but under a captain. 

It appeared that General Morgan was moving all his 
troops in this direction on account of an advance of the Fed- 
erals from Knoxville. Within a week after I went into 
camp here a Federal command of cavalry appeared in 
Rogersville early one morning and created a sensation, 
several of our men making narrow escapes from the town. 

Major Cantrill promptly moved with his battalion to meet 
the enemy. We came upon them in the suburbs of the town. 
Our column was then in a long lane. It was formed across 
the lane through gaps in the fence on either side. I was in 
the field with my company on the right-hand side. As soon 
as Major Cantrill started his skirmishers forward, the enemy, 
about one hundred and fifty yards distant lying behind a 
fence, fired once or twice along their line without doing us 



210 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

any damage. Cantrill then moved his line forward, when we 
discovered the enemy had fled. We occupied the town for 
a while, learning that the enemy's force consisted of about 
one hundred cavalry on a scout. Major Cantrill then 
returned to camp. 

The next day Major Cantrill sent for me to come to his 
headquarters, and showed me an order from General Mor- 
gan directing me to report to Colonel Martin at Bristol. I 
started without delay and reached there the next day in the 
forenoon. Bristol had one very wide main street running 
east and west. The line of Virginia and Tennessee was in 
the center of this street. I entered at the west end and found 
a great many soldiers mounted and forming in this street. 
In the center of the town I came upon General Morgan, 
mounted. After a greeting he told me Colonel Martin was 
at the hotel, to which he pointed. He then bade me good- 
by, saying he was just leaving for Tennessee and that I was 
going to leave his command, but I was yet ignorant of the 
fact and w^ondered what had happened. 

Colonel Martin informed me he had been to Richmond, 
having gone from Abingdon, with Hon. Henry C. Burnett, 
our old Congressman when the war commenced and now 
one of the Confederate States Senators from Kentucky. 

After a conference with Secretary of War James A. Sed- 
don, and then with President Davis, Colonel Martin was 
detailed, and at his request I was also detailed, to report to 
Colonel Jacob Thompson in Toronto, Canada, for service 
under his orders along the northern borders of the United 
States. 

He brought a letter, written by the Secretary of State, 
Judah P. Benjamin, to Colonel Thompson, introducing us 
and cautiously stating our mission. 



CHAPTER XXII 

Departure for Canada — Death of General Morgan — Forrest in 
Mississippi — Journey from Corinth to Toronto. 

This appointment for special duty in Canada, as we under- 
stood the mission, would end our service in the South. Still, 
we only knew that we would be expected to engage, with 
other young officers, in expeditions and in heading forces in 
the event of a prospective uprising of our friends in the 
Northern States. It was of course a perilous journey to Can- 
ada, as we must travel in citizen's clothes to go through the 
United States and our letter from Mr. Benjamin to Colonel 
Thompson must be concealed. Our capture meant death. 
It was therefore decided that we would go as far west as con- 
venient, in the Confederacy, and turn north beyond the range 
of our acquaintances in the Federal army. Colonel Martin 
had about seventy and I about one hundred and twenty dol- 
lars in greenbacks, which we agreed to advance for expenses, 
the amount to be repaid by Colonel Thompson. 

We rode to Abingdon to sell our horses but could only get 
Confederate money. We sold the two horses for seventeen 
hundred dollars. This was the first of September. 

The Secretary of War had issued to each of us a pass 
through our lines and to go anywhere in the Confederacy. 
We stopped over one night in Lynchburg and then went by 
rail without delay to Augusta, Georgia, where we were 
obliged to wait over an afternoon and night. Here at the 
hotel we met our friend Senator Burnett, from Kentucky, 
who had been away from Richmond several days. While 
we sat out in front of the hotel talking about the prospects for 
the Confederacy he received a telegram from the Secretary, 
of War announcing the death of Gen. John H. Morgan, at 
Greeneville, Tennessee. 



212 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

At Meridian, Mississippi, we found General Forrest start- 
ing up the railroad. He had about completed the organiza- 
tion of his command, which he told us was moving or 
stationed all along the Mobile and Ohio Railroad up to 
Corinth. 

Forrest, in recalling to Martin the order of Bragg taking 
the horses of Morgan's 200 men that Martin commanded at 
Chickamauga, said, "I lost my division by taking the part 
of your men, but when Bragg doubled the dose on me I went 
to his headquarters and gave him h — 1 and told him he could 
go there." 

When we told him our mission and showed him our papers 
he said, "Now look here, Colonel, you can't go ahead of my 
men. I'm going to do something up yonder but I've got to 
break the ice myself. I can't risk any mortal man to go up 
there from here. You have got to stay along here till we get 
to Corinth." 

We went up to Columbus and stopped until most of For- 
rest's command had gone forward to Corinth. We went 
along on the train as he did and stopped at Corinth one night. 
When we left Forrest at Corinth, he told us that he was 
going to Middle Tennessee to attack Sherman's communi- 
cations. 

We walked five miles to the house of a good farmer, where 
we bought an ordinary horse and mule. Here I bought an 
old-fashioned black coat, with long waist, short skirt and 
broad collar. Martin got a pair of trousers that were a little 
too short, and a linen duster. 

There were at this time no Federal garrisons in West Ten- 
nessee, and we passed through Jackson and Trenton, stopping 
at a farm-house three miles before reaching Troy, where 
the road turns squarely to the right tov/ard Troy. Here we 
left with the family a lot of trinkets, our passes, and such 
things as might identify us as Confederates. 

There were Federal garrisons at Hickman, Columbus, and 
Paducah. We wanted to reach St. Louis. Traveling toward 
Hickman we stopped at ten o'clock in the night within four 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 213 

miles of the town. Our friend waked us an hour before day 
and at sunrise we were on the bank of the Mississippi, two 
miles below Hickman. The distance was two miles to the 
point where we landed on the Missouri side. The horse and 
mule panted like lizards when they came out of the water. 
We were directed to the house of an old bachelor, named 
Miller, on the road to Charleston. This was the Sabbath 
day and when we reached Miller's place he had gone up the 
road to church. The congregation was dispersing as we 
came up and we rode along with the crowd toward Charles- 
ton. We met Mr. Frank Miller and stopped at his home for 
dinner. We stayed here until night. Mr. Miller did not need 
our animals but gave us a hundred and twenty dollars for 
the outfit. 

There was a garrison of the enemy in Charleston eight 
miles distant. We walked eighteen miles that night to 
Price's woodyard on the Mississippi River above Cairo, 
Illinois. It was kept by Captain Price, a large land owner, 
who had been discharged from the Confederate Army on 
account of wounds. We were fagged out when we arrived 
at his place on the bank of the river. He let us sleep until 
ten o'clock in the forenoon, when a steamer, coming up, 
whistled for his landing. It stopped for two hours to wood. 
We observed that it was loaded with infantry, even all over 
the roof. We went aboard with our bundles and one com- 
mon carpetbag or satchel. The cabin was full of soldiers. 
We arranged with the clerk for a stateroom to St. Louis and 
paid our passage. We strolled around looking at the boat. 
I bought a cigar at the bar and smoked. Several soldiers 
were drinking at the time and I engaged one in conversation, 
a gentlemanly sergeant. I learned that Gen. Sterling Price 
was marching on St. Louis with a large army and the city 
was in danger of capture. These troops were being for- 
warded to reinforce the army at St. Louis. I winked at 
Martin and presently he straggled around and said to me 
that he was a little "dry." He took in the party, three 
soldiers, and we all had toddies. We did not notice any of 



214 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

the officers. We concluded it was best to not patronize the 
barber shop though we needed a hair-cut and shave. It was 
not long before I got into a game of euchre with the sergeant 
and two others. After dinner Martin and another soldier 
proposed to play against us for five cents a corner. We 
carried on this game until the next afternoon, when we 
reached St. Louis. Martin and I purposely managed to pay 
the expenses. 

Soon after we reached a hotel in St. Louis we happened 
to discover a friend. Martial law had been declared, busi- 
ness houses all closed, and details were pressing every able- 
bodied citizen, without regard to politics, into the ranks to 
defend the city. Our friend found a retail merchant who 
kept clothing and furnishing goods. He slipped us in at 
his back door. We had treated ourselves to bath, hair-cut 
and shave at the hotel. Now we got a complete wardrobe, 
that is, all we could wear ; and carried no baggage. A hack 
was secured and we drove from this store in time to reach 
the transfer steamer for Alton, Illinois, ten miles up the river, 
where we caught the train for Chicago. We arrived the 
next morning and spent the day looking at the city. At night 
we took a train on the Michigan Central Railroad and 
reached Detroit, Michigan, next morning, and crossed over 
safely to Windsor, Canada. After breakfast we boarded 
the train for Toronto. 

The Queen's Hotel where we stopped fronted on Toronto 
Bay. It may be said that we found Confederate headquarters 
here at this hotel. Colonel Jacob Thompson, and secretary, 
Walter W. Cleary, occupied a suite of rooms. 

Among the first Kentuckians we met were Dr. Stuart Rob- 
inson, the famous Presbyterian minister from Louisville ; Dr. 
Luke P. Blackburn, Mrs. W. C. P. Breckinridge, with her 
children, her sister Miss Mollie Desha, and Miss Maria Hunt 
of Lexington. 

Within a few days we had met, perhaps, a hundred Con- 
federates and prominent citizens of Kentucky, Missouri, 
West Virginia, and Maryland, who were refugees. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 215 

Colonel Thompson cautioned us on our arrival against any- 
stranger who might claim an acquaintance, etc., as a swarm 
of detectives from the United States, male and female, were 
quartered in Toronto. 

An intelligent gentleman, Larry McDonald, from New 
York, was one of Colonel Thompson's closest friends, and 
also a gentleman from Little Rock, Arkansas, Mr. G. J. 
Hyams, who had escaped from prison and was reputed to 
be wealthy. These were especially commended by Colonel 
Thompson. 

It was deemed a wise precaution that Martin and I should 
separate and secure boarding-houses, where we would only 
be known as escaped prisoners, and not frequent the Queen's 
Hotel, in order that our connection with Colonel Thomp- 
son would not be especially noted by the detectives in the 
employ of the Washington authorities. And that our associa- 
tion with other prominent Confederate ojfficers should only 
be casual in public. We cultivated the acquaintance of 
refugee citizens and the Canadians. 

Colonel Martin secured a room at the boarding-house of 
Mr. Withers, from Covington, Kentucky, a brother of Maj. 
Al Withers of General Morgan's staff. Dr. Stuart Robin- 
son and Dr. Luke P. Blackburn boarded here. I boarded 
with Mr. Inglis, a Canadian. In a few days Capt. Thomas 
H. Hines took the room adjoining mine. And about the 
same time Mrs. J. Russ Butler and her children arrived. Her 
husband, Col. J. Russ Butler, was then the commander of the 
First Kentucky Cavalry. He had escaped from prison and 
his family joined him here. I spent the time in reading, and 
playing chess with Mrs. Butler. 

After Captain Hines had been here a few days he left, and, 
being absent about two days, returned with his bride. He 
had been to Cincinnati, where his sweetheart, Miss Sprowle, 
from Woodbury, on Green River, Kentucky, had met him 
by agreement and they were married. 

I met a young Confederate soldier, Charles C. Hemming, 
from Jacksonville, Florida, who was an expert oarsman. He 



216 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

had escaped from prison and had managed to reach Toronto. 
He had enHsted in the select forces of Colonel Thompson. 
J. enjoyed a skiff ride with him as he did all the pulling. The 
city presented a grand front when viewed from a distance 
out in the bay. 

There was everything in the prospect at Toronto to make 
a sojourn enjoyable. The leading newspapers of Canada 
were published here and the South got a friendly comment 
on the course of events. All the news of the war and from 
the front of the armies was published daily. We also re- 
ceived the New York, Chicago, Buffalo and Detroit papers. 



CHAPTER XXIII 

Capt. Thomas H. Hines — Purposes of mission to Canada — Col. 
Jacob Thompson's mission — Coalition with leaders of Sons of 
Liberty — Concentration at Democratic National Convention 
in Chicago — Fruitless endeavor to release Confederate 
prisoners at Camp Douglas and Springfield. 

Capt. Thomas H, Hines related to me much of the experi- 
ence of himself, Capt. John B. Castleman, Lieut. George B. 
Eastin, Lieut. Bennett H. Young and others, and Col. Vin- 
cent Marmaduke of Missouri, on an expedition to Chicago in 
August. He also described the organization, character and 
purposes of the order known as Sons of Liberty who had 
cooperated with the Confederates in the plans to liberate the 
Confederate prisoners confined at Camp Douglas and Spring- 
field, Illinois. 

Thomas Henry Hines was a native of Woodbury, a village 
on Green River, in Warren County, Kentucky, some twenty 
miles below Bowling Green. He enlisted in Capt. John H. 
Morgan's squadron of cavalry at the time when Gen. Albert 
Sidney Johnston commanded at Bowling Green. In personal 
appearance Hines was effeminate, though above the medium 
height, with blue eyes and black hair. Though not formed 
for strength, he was athletic and capable of endurance. In 
manners he was captivating, though modest and unassuming. 
He was endowed with varied talents and unflinching courage. 
I judged him to be about twenty-four years old. Before his 
escape with General Morgan from the Ohio penitentiary, 
which gave him wide fame, he was noted in Morgan's 
cavalry as one of the many daring young officers of that 
romantic command. His exploits recorded in Duke's His- 
tory of Morgan's Cavalry are too numerous to be recorded 
here. 



218 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Captain Hines was the first Confederate officer to be 
selected by President Davis for the service along the north- 
ern borders of the United States for the release of prisoners, 
and started from Richmond soon after the death of Colonel 
Dahlgren, whose daring attempt against that city had ended 
in disaster in the first days of March, 1864. 

It is deemed more appropriate that the purposes of his mis- 
sion and his efforts should be given as related by himself in 
the Southern Bivouac, as follows : 

In March, 1864, Mr, Davis determined to send into Northern 
territory some Confederate officers who should especially under- 
take to effect the release of Confederate prisoners. He selected 
for that purpose Capt. T. H. Hines, of the Ninth Kentucky 
Cavalry, C. S. A. (Morgan's division). Other Confederates, 
both of the army and navy, were afterwards detailed for similar 
service. Hines was given authority to collect and organize, for 
the accomplishment of his mission, all of the Confederate 
soldiers then in Canada, most of whom were themselves escaped 
prisoners. He was to be in active command of any force so 
created, but was subsequently ordered to report to and receive 
general instructions from the commissioners, whose appointment 
has already been mentioned, and who reached Canada in May. 

Captain Hines had escaped with General Morgan from the 
Ohio penitentiary. Mr. Davis's attention was attracted to him 
by this circumstance, which perhaps contributed to suggest the 
idea of a general release of prisoners. After a conference, in 
which the situation was fully discussed, and the character of the 
attempt desired thoroughly explained, the following order was 
given Hines, in accordance with Mr. Davis's directions, by the 
Secretary of War : 

"Confederate States of America, 
"War Department, 
"RiCHAioND, Va., March 16, 1864. 
"Capt. T. H. Hines. 

"Sir : You are detailed for special service to proceed to 
Canada, passing through the United States under such character 
and in such mode as you may deem most safe, for the purpose of 
collecting there the men of General Morgan's command who 
may have escaped, and others of the citizens of the Confederate 




Thomas H. Hines 
1864 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 219 

States willing- to return and enter the military service of the 
Confederacy, and arranging for their return either through the 
United States or by sea. 

"You will place yourself, on arrival, in communication with 
Hon. J. P. Holcomb, who has been sent as special commissioner 
to the British Provinces, and in his instructions directed to 
facilitate the passage of such men to the Confederacy. In 
passing through the United States you will confer with the 
leading persons friendly or attached to the cause of the Con- 
federacy, or who may be advocates of peace, and do all in your 
power to induce our friends to organize and prepare themselves 
to render such aid as circumstances may allow ; and to encourage 
and animate those favorable to a peaceful adjustment to the 
employment of all agencies calculated to effect such consumma- 
tion on terms consistent always with the independence of the 
Confederate States. You will likewise have in view the possi- 
bility, by such means as you can command, of effecting any fair 
and appropriate enterprises of war against our enemies, and will 
be at liberty to employ such of our soldiers as you may collect, 
in any hostile operation offering, that may be consistent with the 
strict observance of neutral obligations incumbent in the British 
Provinces. 

"Reliance is felt in your discretion and sagacity to understand 
and carry out, as contingencies may dictate, the details of the 
general design thus communicated. More specific instructions 
in anticipation of events that may occur under your observation 
cannot well be given. You will receive a letter to General Polk 
in which I request his aid in the transmission of cotton, so as to 
provide funds for the enterprise, and an order has been given to 
Colonel Bayne, with whom you will confer, to have two hundred 
bales of cotton purchased in North Mississippi and placed under 
your direction for this purpose. 

"Should the agencies you may employ for transmitting that 
be unsuccessful, the same means will be adopted of giving you 
larger credit and you are advised to report to Colonel Bayne, 
before leaving the lines of the Confederacy, what success has 
attended your efforts for such transmission. 
"Respectfully, 

"(Signed.) 'James A. Seddon, 

"Secretary of War." 

Instructions were also forwarded to Lieut.-Gen. Leonidas 
Polk, as follows : 



220 confederate operations 

"Confederate States of America, 
"War Department, 
"Richmond, Va., March i6, 1864. 
"Lieut.-Gen. L. Polk, Commander, etc. 

"General: I shall have occasion to send Capt. T. Henry 
Hines, an enterprising officer, late of General Morgan's com- 
mand, who was so efficient in aiding in the escape of that general 
and others from the Ohio penitentiary, on special service through 
the lines of the enemy. To provide him with funds for the 
accomplishment of the purpose designed, it will be necessary 
that I shall have transferred to Memphis some two hundred 
(200) bales of cotton, which I have ordered an officer of the 
bureau to have purchased at some convenient point in North 
Mississippi. 

"Captain Hines will himself arrange the agencies by which 
the cotton can be transferred and disposed of, so as to place 
funds at command in Memphis, and I have to request that 
facilities, in the way of transportation and permission to pass 
the lines, may, as far as needful, be granted him and the agent 
he may select. You will please give appropriate instructions to 
effect these ends to the officers in command on the border. 
"Very respectfully, 
"(Signed.) James A. Seddon, 

"Secretary of War." 



In pursuance of these instructions Captain Hines immediately 
proceeded to Canada, making his way through the United States. 

The Commissioners appointed by Mr. Davis were Messrs. 
Clay of Alabama, Holcomb of Virginia, and Thompson of 
Mississippi. 

The following letter was sent Mr. Thompson, requesting his 
immediate departure upon the mission for which he was 
selected : 

"Richmond, Va.^ April 27, 1864. 
"Hon. Jacob Thompson. 

"Sir : Confiding special trust in your zeal, discretion and 
patriotism, I hereby direct you to proceed at once to Canada ; 
there to carry out the instructions you have received from me 
verbally, in such manner as shall seem most likely to conduce 




John B. Gastleman 
1864 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 221 

to the furtherance of the interests of the Confederate States of 
America which have been intrusted to you. 

"Very respectfully and truly yours, 
"(Signed.) Jefferson Davis.-" 

Messrs. Thompson and Clay, with Mr. W. W. Cleary, of 
Kentucky, who was appointed secretary of the Commission, left 
Richmond on the 3d of May for Wilmington, and sailed from 
Wilmington on the 6th, running the gauntlet of armed United 
States cruisers stationed at and near the mouth of the harbor. 

In pursuance of this necessity of making the authority of the 
commission absolute in all matters pertaining to Confederate 
interests in Canada, or operations to be directed thence, a 
necessity foreseen even before Mr. Thompson sailed from 
Wilmington, the following order, directed to Captain Hines, 
who had then taken his departure, was issued. It will be seen 
to what extent it modified the one previously given him of 
March i6th. 

"Confederate States of America, 
"War Department, 
"Richmond^ Va., May 2.J, 1864. 

"Capt. T. Henry Hines, of the Army of the Confederate 
States, will report to and confer with Hon. Jacob Thompson, 
Special Commissioner of the Confederate States Government in 
Canada, and be guided by his counsel in his proceedings and 
action on his present service. He may consider his instructions 
from this department subject to modification, change, or revoca- 
tion by the said Commissioner, and will take further direction 
from him. 

"James A. Seddon, 

"Secretary of War." 

Mr. Thompson established his headquarters at Montreal on 
the 30th of May, 1864, and opened an account with the Bank 
of Ontario in that city. Before resorting to other and more 
extreme measures, he endeavored to carry out Mr. Davis's 
primary idea of negotiating "with such persons in the North as 
might be relied on to aid the attainment of peace." He sought, 
therefore, to secure conferences, not only with influential men 
representing the peace party in the Northern and Eastern States, 
but also with leading ublic men who were identified with the 
political party in pov er, and might be supposed to reflect the 
views of Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet. 

H= 5^ * -K * * >|t 



222 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Soon as it was definitely ascertained that it was impracticable 
to open negotiations looking to the cessation of hostilities and 
truce in any form between the contending sections, the Commis- 
sioners prepared to utilize the feeling existing in the Western 
and border States, inimical to the Administration, and to 
organize it for active and practical opposition to the further 
prosecution of the war. On the 9th of June Captain Hines had 
been sent to confer with Mr. Clement L. Vallandigham, then at 
Windsor, Canada, in order to obtain such information on that 
subject as that gentleman could furnish. 

On the nth of June Mr. Thompson himself met Mr. Vallan- 
digham, and the two thoroughly discussed the existing disafifec- 
tion, which had already crystallized into the semi-military organ- 
ization popularly known as the "Sons of Liberty." Mr. Vallan- 
digham was the Grand Commander of this order, and he repre- 
sented that it was in all three hundred thousand strong. There 
were eighty-five thousand members, he said, in Illinois, fifty 
thousand in Indiana, and forty thousand in Ohio. 

As early as January, 1861, Hon. Fernando Wood, then mayor 
of New York City, addressed a message to the Common Council, 
in which he recommended that New York should secede and 
constitute herself a free city, and formulated the idea, then so 
prevalent, in very striking terms : "It may he said that secession 
or revolution in any of the United States ivonld he suhversive 
of all Federal authority, and, so far as the central government 
is concerned, the resolving of the community into its original 
elements — ^that, if part of the States form new combinations and 
governments, other States may do the same. California and her 
sisters of the Pacific will no doubt set up an independent 
republic, and husband their own rich mineral resources. The 
Western States, equally rich in cereals and other agricultural 
products, will probably do the same. Amid the gloom which 
the present and prospective condition of things must cast over 
the country. New York, as a Free City, may shed the only light 
and hope of a future reconstruction of our blessed Confederacy." 

Mr. Thompson, of course, and the Confederates acting under 
his directions, would have preferred to see the whole tendency 
of the movement directed toward the estj blishment of a separate 
confederacy of Northwestern States. 




Jacob Thompson 
1S64 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 223 

So far as possible, they encouraged this idea among the 
parties who seemed most sensible of the stimulus of personal 
ambition. 

Jjl Sjl ^t IJC JjC JjC ^ 

At this time Mr. Vallandigham introduced to Mr. Thompson 
a prominent official of the order who occupied somewhat the 
position of its adjutant-general, thoroughly indorsing his relia- 
bility and energy. Through this gentleman Mr. Thompson 
subsequently arranged for the distribution of funds to be used 
in arming and mobilizing the county organizations. 

^ ^ >|; 5i< ^ ^ ^ 

Conferences with very many Northern men who at that 
period visited Canada, who were not connected with the order 
of the "Sons of Liberty," nor informed in any wise of the pur- 
poses of the Commissioners, further developed the fact that there 
was a widely spread feeling of fatigue, to use the mildest term, 
with the war and those who were profiting by it. A subsequent 
investigation of the character and sentiment of the "Sons of 
Liberty" confirmed perfectly all that Mr. Vallandigham had 
said, and revealed a feverish desire of the general membership 
to assert and maintain their rights. 

Mr. Lincoln's call, about this time, for five hundred thousand 
more men for the army, and the proposed draft to provide them, 
intensified the wish to resist a further prosecution of the war, 
and seemed to have ripened it into resolve. 

Mr. Thompson became thoroughly convinced that the move- 
ment could be induced, and that it would be successful. But 
there was always the doubt whether men bound together merely 
by political affiliations and oaths, behind which there was no real 
legal authority, could be handled like an army. 

Mr. Vallandigham returned to Ohio about the middle of June. 
He made speeches immediately, which seemed intended to invite 
his rearrest and the action he had predicted. 

In his first speech, after his return, at Hamilton, he almost 
declared the existence and purposes of the order. He said : 

"But I warn also the men in power that there is a vast multi- 
tude, a host whom they cannot number, bound together by the 
strongest and holiest ties, to defend, by whatever means the 
exigencies of the times shall demand, their natural and consti- 
tutional rights as freemen, at all hazards and to the last 
extremity." 

The 20th of July seemed to have been determined upon as 
the date of outspoken declaration of resistance. The inclination 



224 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

to prevent the enforcement of the draft pervaded all classes who 
would probably be subjected to it, and might unite all such men 
in an effort to prevent it. 

It was understood that a simultaneous movement would be 
concerted in Illinois and Indiana, and that in each of those States 
the State officers would be practically deposed and provisional 
governments organized. 

In his first report to Richmond, made in July, Mr. Thompson 
said: "Though intending this a Western confederacy and 
demanding peace, if peace be not granted, then it shall be war. 
There are some choice spirits enlisted in this enterprise, and all 
that is needed for success is unflinching nerve. For our part, 
it is agreed that Capt. T. Henry Hines shall command at 
Chicago, and Capt. John B. Castleman at Rock Island. // a 
movement could be made by our troops into Kentucky and 
Missouri, it would greatly facilitate matters in the West. The 
organized forces of the Federal Government would thus be 
employed, and this would give courage and hope to the North- 
western people. The rank and file are weary of the war, but 
the violent abolitionists, preachers, contractors, and political 
press are clamorous for its continuance. If Lee can hold his 
own in front of Richmond, and Johnston defeat Sherman in 
Georgia prior to the election, it seems probable that Lincoln will 
be defeated. Nothing less, however, can accompUsh this end. 
It is not improbable that McClellan will be nominated by the 
war Democrats. His recent war speeches have broken him 
down with the peace party, but in my opinion no peace candidate 
can be elected unless disaster attend the Federal armies in Vir- 
ginia and Georgia. In short, nothing but violence can terminate 
the war." 

H; ;!< ;J; H= * * 5lJ 

On the 22d of July the Commissioners, with Captains Castle- 
man and Hines, met, at St. Catharines, certain delegates from 
this Chicago conference, who reported that it was proposed to 
take decided action on the i6th of August, but expressed a fear 
that unless there was such movement of the Confederate forces 
into Kentucky and Missouri as would occupy the attention of 
the Federal military authorities, troops would be immediately 
employed and on hand to suppress any action attempted. 

So it was agreed that another council should be held at 
London, Canada, on the 7th of August. When that conference 
was held, the representatives of the State and county organiza- 
tions present insisted that there should be a further postpone- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 225 

ment until the 29th of August, the date of the assembling of the 
National Democratic Convention at Chicago. At Chicago they 
urged, and on that date, the vast concourse of people drawn 
together would be the best cover for their action, and it would 
be easy to concentrate a large body of reliable and determined 
men in aid of their design, without attracting attention or 
suspicion. 

An earlier date than the 29tli had been suggested by Hines 
and Castleman, but the point was yielded in deference to a 
communication received from the representatives of the "Sons 
of Liberty," which clearly indicated that they were beginning 
to regard the situation as a very grave one, and to feel 
profoundly the responsibility they had incurred. It was as 
follows : 

"London, C. W., August 8, 1864. 
"Hon. Jacob Thompson, Hon. C. C. Clay, T. H. Hines, John 

B. Castleman. 

"Gentlemen : We have thought on the conclusion of this 
miorning, and feel constrained to say a few words more. We 
told you that we could not approve the plan, and the more we 
think of it the more thoroughly are we convinced that it will be 
unsuccessful. The time is too short to expect assistance, how- 
ever willing we may be to assist. It will require some two days 
to travel back to places of residence and make arrangements 
about cashing drafts and procure messengers of the right sort 
to go into dififerent counties and give notice. This will require 
until Thursday to get the ear of our chiefs, which will give only 
one day to select and notify men that they are in for a perilous 
and uncertain campaign under men who they know but little 
about. Of course few will respond to the call made so suddenly 
and unexpectedly, and we shall have to depend almost entirely 
upon what cooperation we can get from the organization in 
Chicago. Under these circumstances we are powerless to 
render the needed aid. A movement unsupported by vigorous 
cooperation at Indianapolis and Springfield had better not be 
undertaken. We are willing to do anything which bids fair to 
result in good, but shrink from the responsibility of a movement 
made in the way now proposed, and have concluded to frankly 
communicate this to you. You underrate the condition of 
things in the Northwest. By patience and perseverance in the 
work of agitation we are sure of a general uprising which will 
result in a glorious success. We must look to bigger results 



226 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

than the mere liberation of prisoners. We should look to the 
grand end of adding an empire of Northwestern States. We 
leave for Chicago to-night to do our best, but with heavy hearts 
and drooping hope for the cause in which we have thrown our 
very souls and existence." 

In the mean time, enough had been learned to warrant the 
belief that, in the event of an organized and resolute North- 
western revolt, there ivas a sentiment in New York and the 
neighboring States which would induce a formidable opposition 
to the transportation of troops over their territory for the 
purpose of coercing their Western sisters. Influential men were 
ready to formidate measures to meet such a necessity, and those 
who coidd he trusted zvere informed by the Commissioners that 
they would be wUling to render substantial assistance. 

The means to purchase arms for those who were committed 
to such opposition to coercion were solicited and provided. 
A prominent citizen of New York undertook to purchase and 
distribute the arms zvhich zvoidd be required there. On this 
subject the Hon. James P. Holcomb wrote from Montreal as 
follows, to Mr. Thompson at Toronto, July 27th : 

"Dear Sir : Our friends are here and urge the promptest 
measures, as the time is very brief. They have contracted for 
five thousand ; these will cost thirty thousand in gold. No 
payment until they are received. Bills Canada bank on 
England, payable to their order, can be cashed, and should be 
sent in small denominations at once to Nezv York. The other 
party for whom we were anxious has gone home to see others 
among the initiated. It is immaterial zvhich of the two has the 
fund about which you consulted me. All now depends upon 
prompt action." 

^ jK * ;ic H< * H« 

In August the garrison was largely increased at Chicago, and 
three thousand troops were placed on duty. This led to an 
apprehension that the Administration intended to interfere with 
the meeting of the Democratic Convention on the 2gth of 
August, and this fact was used to stimulate the prejudice 
throughout the West and justify the assembling of a large body 
of men, outspoken in their determination to resist the possible 
outrage. There was thus furnished sufficient excuse for the 
county commanders of the Order of the Sons of Liberty to 
mobilize the members of their organization on the plea that they 
should attend the convention, and ought to resist any attempt 
to interrupt its deliberations. Mr. Vallandigham's representa- 



IN CANADA AND NFW YORK 227 

tives were furnished means for transportation, and had ample 
time to make proper distribution and explain to the more faithful 
and courageous county commanders why the rank and file 
should come to Chicago and resist any further attempt on the 
liberties of the citizens. These representatives were further 
urged to make provision for keeping reasonably in hand the 
delegations from the various counties ; but it must be confessed 
that events fully justified the belief that some of the principal 
agents employed were lacking either in fidelity or courage, or 
in both. 

In Canada there were less than one hundred Confederate 
soldiers, and to the discretion of some of these it was not 
altogether safe to trust the success of the enterprise. Sixty 
men were chosen for service at Chicago. Many of these men 
had escaped from prison under circumstances which illustrated 
their daring and fertility of resource. One of them, Lieut. 
George B. Eastin, was well known in Morgan's command as the 
hero of a desperate hand-to-hand combat with the Federal 
Colonel Hallisey, in which the latter was killed. 

Lieut. Bennett H. Young had been sent by President Davis 
to report to the Commissioners for service on the Lakes. 



"Toronto, C. W., August 24, 1864. 
"John B. Castleman,, Captain C. S. A. : 

"By virtue of the authority vested in me, and having confi- 
dence in your courage and fidelity, you are hereby appointed to 
special service and made responsible with Capt. Thomas H. 
Hines for an expedition against the United States prisons in the 
Northwestern States, and such other service as you and he have 
been verbally instructed about. To you and Capt. T. H. Hines 
is left the selection of such Confederate soldiers in Canada as 
are probably suited for use in so perilous an undertaking. You 
are expected to take with you all those on whose courage and 
discretion you are willing to rely. 

"Your obedient servant, 

Jacob Thompson.'''' 



On the 27th and 28th of August the Confederates detailed for 
this important service proceeded to Chicago, traveling in small 
parties and assuming the appearance and conduct of men 
attracted there by the political interest of the occasion. They 



228 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Stopped at places designated in advance, the greater part of 
them having been instructed to go to the Richmond House. 

>(; iK >H ^ ;i« :); ^i; 

Men commended to us by Mr. Vallandigham had been 
entrusted with the necessary funds for perfecting the county 
organizations ; arms had been purchased in the North by the 
aid of our professed friends in New York; alHances offensive 
and defensive had been made with peace organizations, and 
though we were not misled by the sanguine promises of our 
friends, we were confident that with any sort of cooperation on 
their part success was reasonably possible. During the excite- 
ment that always attends a great political convention, increased 
as we supposed it would be by the spirit of opposition to 
the Administration, we felt that we would be freer to act 
unobserved, and that we could move with promptness and effect 
upon Camp Douglas. With nearly five thousand prisoners 
there, and over seven thousand at Springfield, joined by the 
dissatisfied elements in Chicago and through Illinois, we 
believed that at once we would have a formidable force, which 
might be the nucleus for much more important movements. 
Everything was arranged for prompt action, and for the con- 
centration and organization of all these bodies. It was, as we 
felt, the first step that was the most difficult and the most serious. 
Success was only possible by prompt and concerted action 
during the convention. The Confederates were ready. The 
men chosen for this work were no mere adventurers ; they had 
enlisted in an enterprise where they knew success was doubtful, 
and that failure meant probable death; and these men have 
since shown by their success in civil life that they were men of 
no ordinary capacity. The roster of this little band was made 
up on the occasion of the distribution of arms, which had been 
obtained by Judge Cleary, and it does not contain the full names 
of all. That roster is as follows : 

Bennett H. Young, Wood, Price, Doty, Stone, George Young, 
B. Steele, G. A. Elsworth, C. M. Swager, George E. Cantrill, 
R. F. Smith, J. M. Trigg, H. B. Hibble, W. M. Wordward, 
Keller Thomas, Allen M. Kiser, C. E. Wasson, Crumbaugh, 
William Cooper, Henry Sampson, M. Huntley, S. Gregg, M. 
Major, Denny, Hays, Mock, Squire Tevis, William T. Tevis, 
Lackey, Marcus A. Spur, Bruce, B. Magoffin, Jr., Kiester, 
Wallace, Daniel, P. M. Hansbrough, Ben M. Anderson, 
Webster, Denny, T. H. Hines, McGuire, Theodore Schultz, 
Ignatio, Higbee, Hillborn, J. C. Hill, Joseph Elbert, Hunt, Bell, 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 229 

John Maughir, Frank O. Anderson, George B. Eastin, John T. 
Ashbrook, R. B. Drake, John B. Castleman, Leavel, H. Sea- 
bring, J. T. Harrington, Joseph Harrington, John H. Thomas, 
W. E. Mumford, J. T. Buttersvvorth, V. Marmaduke. 

The National Democratic Convention met at Chicago, 
August 29th. 

;]< H= + ^ H< >K H^ 

Arms were ready, and information had been conveyed to the 
prisoners of war of our intention. Chicago was thronged with 
people from all sections of the country, and among this vast 
crowd were many of the county officers of the secret organiza- 
tion, on whom we relied for assistance. Most of these present 
at our Chicago conference were from Illinois ; men well known 
in their own localities, whose influence, once they were com- 
mitted to our plans by some overt act, would be of vast service. 

It was essential to the success of any undertaking for us to 
know definitely what armed forces the representatives of Mr. 
Vallandigham could provide. For this a meeting of the officers 
of the organization was held at the rooms of Hines and Castle- 
man at the Richmond House the night before the convention, 
August 28, 1864. 

5}C * * * * * * 

The evening of the 29th of August came, but on the part of 
the timid timidity became more apparent, and those who were 
resolute could not show the strength needed to give confident 
hope of success. The reinforcement sent by the Administration 
to strengthen the Chicago garrison had been vastly exaggerated, 
and seven thousand men was the number rumor brought to the 
ear of the Sons of Liberty. Care had been taken to keep 
informed as to what troops came to Camp Douglas, but the 
statement made by Hines and Castleman, to the effect that only 
three thousand were present, did not counteract the effect 
produced by the rumor that the Federal forces there numbered 
more than double that number. When, therefore, a count was 
taken of the number of the Sons of Liberty on whom we could 
rely, it seemed worse than folly to attempt to use them. There 
were not enough to justify any movement which would commit 
the Northwestern people to open resistance, and not even 
enough to secure the release and control the organization of 
the prisoners at Camp Douglas as the nucleus of an army which 
would give possible relief to the Confederacy. 

:jc 5|! j|t 5): ^ ^ :)« 

The immediate influence of the vast convention assembled was 
exactly contrary to what had been expected. 



230 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

With this state of things existing, it could not be safe or wise 
for the Confederates to linger in Chicago after the disappear- 
ance of the great throng which had assembled ; it was necessary, 
therefore, to look beyond Chicago for a field of action. Captains 
Hines and Castleman accordingly proposed to the officers of 
the Sons of Liberty to furnish a detail of five hundred North- 
western men, to be accompanied and controlled by their own 
officers, and it was proposed with this aid to liberate the pris- 
oners confined at Rock Island, and take possession both of that 
town and of Springfield. The two Confederate officers named 
had agreed that Castleman should take charge of these forces, 
and on the following evening assume quiet possession of the 
passenger train which left Chicago at nine o'clock for Rock 
Island, running through on schedule time, and cutting the wires 
with the hope of surprising and capturing that town. The 
garrison there had been weakened to protect Chicago, and Rock 
Island seemed an easy conquest. 

^ >i< >i; H: ^ ^ >l< 

Hines and Castleman had agreed that if the detail was fur- 
nished, some ten chosen Confederates should accompany the 
latter to Rock Island, where, if the prisoners were released, 
regiments should be hastily organized and equipped and thrown 
across to Springfield. Hines, with the remaining Confederates, 
about fifty, was to organize them into ten squads, mount them, 
cut the wires, destroy the bridges out of Chicago, on every road, 
and send to the outer world such telegrams of his own choosing 
as would account for the condition of things in Chicago. For 
the purpose of effect on the public mind, it was determined to 
inform the people outside of the responsibility of the Adminis- 
tration for the interference with the political convention in its 
deliberations, trusting that communication might not be 
reopened under a fortnight. But no one experienced in army 
life will be surprised to observe the difference between the 
soldier and citizen, even though the citizen may formerly have 
been a soldier. The contingent wdiich we asked could not be 
promised us with any certainty, and all hope of success in this 
direction had to be abandoned, at least for the time. The Con- 
federate officers accordingly deemed it wise to leave Chicago, 
as the safety secured by the presence of the convention was 
removed, and the agents of the Government had been aroused 
to greater vigilance and activity. 



CHAPTER XXIV 

Plan for capture of gunboat Michigan on Lake Erie and release 
of prisoners on Johnson's Island — Captain Cole and Acting 
Master Beall undertake the adventure — Lieutenant Young 
sent with funds to Buffalo — Cole, at the moment of 'success, 
is betrayed and arrested and imprisoned at Sandusky City — 
Thompson and Clay to the rescue — Cole finally recognized as 
prisoner of war. 

Colonel Thompson explained to Martin and me the 
character of expeditions in which the Confederates with his 
approval and support had been engaged. The story of the 
attempt of Hines and Castleman to release the prisoners at 
Chicago on the 29th of August was gone over in substan- 
tially the same form as told by Hines. 

Colonel Thompson had indulged the hope that the gun- 
boat Michigan, which was anchored near Johnson's Island, 
might be captured and thus give the Confederates the mastery 
on the Lakes. It would put the cities and towns of New 
York, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, that were 
upon the shores of the Lakes, at the mercy of this warship 
under Confederate command. 

The capture of this gunboat had been undertaken by Capt. 
Charles H. Cole, of Forrest's command, and Capt. John 
Yates Beall, an ofHcer of the Confederate Navy. The 
attempt was made just before our arrival in Toronto. 

Captain Cole had first investigated' the situation as 
follows* : 

Soon after. Captain Cole made a special report showing the 
prospect of an early capture of the steamer Michigan, and 
Lieut. Bennett H. Young was sent to Sandusky, Ohio, to report 



*T. Henry Hines in Southern Bivotiac. 



232 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

to Captain Cole for duty, and to provide him with the necessary 
funds. After investigating the matter with which he was 
charged, Captain Cole made, a report, from which the following 
are extracts : 

"Buffalo is poorly protected ; one regiment and a battalion of 
invalids. The regiment is at Camp Morgan, opposite Port 
Huron, and between North and South Buffalo, and the battalion 
doing hospital duty and guarding the stores. There is a very 
large amount of government stores there, a large quantity of 
ammunition in United States arsenal, and also some cannon, 
mortars, and small arms. The arsenal is situated on Oak street. 
I left for Cleveland, and on the passage met a gentleman who 
will be of benefit to our cause at Chicago. He assisted me 
materially in Cleveland, and took me around the government 
works, and introduced me to the foreman of the cannon shops, 
who told me there were about two hundred and fifty men 
employed there, and that they were shipping large cannon to 
Sandusky, Milwaukee, and Chicago, with one hundred rounds 
of ammunition to each gun. I learned the bearings of the lake 
around Cleveland. I met the engineer of the Pacific, who, I 
think, money can influence. I concluded my information from 
him and left for Detroit, with him. From Detroit I went to 
Chicago, meeting with Mr. Charles Walsh. 

'T ascertained there the water needed for crossing the bars, 
and the amount of tonnage of the tugs, which would be most 
serviceable in time of need. The new steam tugs are of, say 
one hundred and seventy-five tons, one screw engine, and are 
capable of carrying coal for thirty-six hours' run ; will mount 
two guns, one large gun at the stern and a small field-piece at 
the bow; are easily managed, and will make ten knots an hour 
even in the severest weather. There is little difficulty in bring- 
ing vessels to bear against Camp Douglas. We can run the 
tugs up the river, and an armed vessel on the lake, bringing 
guns to bear on the camp. There is an immense amount of 
shipping, and among the first things would be to destroy the 
different draw-bridges, and then the whole city is accessible by 
water. 

"Milwaukee is an easy place to take possession of. They 
have no fort, and twelve feet of water up to the first draw- 
bridge. The Milwaukee and Detroit steamers are below the 
first draw-bridge; there is a large amount of grain shipment 
and quantities of coal. Sheboygan supplies all the country from 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 233 

Fond du Lac ; sends grain and produce there for shipment. 
Port Washington is a small settlement with little of advantage, 
but its people are strong friends, and determined in their resist- 
ance to the draft. Mackinaw has a natural fortification, and 
mounted at the observatory are three guns bearing on the 
straits. * * * Lake Erie furnishes a splendid field for 
operations. * * * Erie is a difficult place to get at, more 
so than any city on the Lakes. * * * j niade the acquaint- 
ance of Captain Carter, commanding United States steamer 
Michigan. 

"He is an unpolished man, whose pride seems to be touched 
for the reason that, having been an old United States naval/ 
officer, he is not allowed now a more extensive field of operation.) 
I do not think that he can be bought." i 

Captain Cole, desiring formal authority before undertaking 
the capture of the Michigan, addressed Mr. Thompson from 
Sandusky, Ohio, as follows : 

"Hon. Jacob Thompson. 

"Sir : I have the honor to ask to be placed in secret detached 
service, in undertaking the capture of the gunboat Michigan at 
Johnson's Island. Combination can be made without infringing 
the neutrality laws of Canada. I send this by special messenger. 
An immediate answer requested. 

"Charles H. Cole, 

"Captain, C. S. A." 
To this Colonel Thompson replied : 

"Captain Charles H. Cole_, Captain C. S. A., and Lieutenant 

C. S. Navy. 

"Sir: By the authority in me vested, specially trusting in 
your knowledge and skill, you are assigned to the secret 
detached service for the purpose mentioned in your letter. To 
aid you in this undertaking, John Y. Beall, master in the Con- 
federate States Navy, has been directed to report to you for 
duty. In all you may do in the premises, you will carefully 
abstain from violating any laws or regulations of Canada or 
British authorities in relation to neutrality. The combinations 
necessary to effect your purposes must be made by Confederate 
soldiers, with such assistance as you may draw from the enemy's 
country. Your obedient servant, 

"Jacob Thompson."" 



234 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

It should be said, with reference to the statement that 
Lieutenant Bennett H. Young was sent to Sandusky with 
funds, that Thompson and Clay had sent Young with twenty- 
five thousand dollars in greenbacks, which he delivered to 
Captain Beall at the Genesee House in Buffalo. Young then 
returned to Toronto and Beall to Sandusky. 

Captain Cole had located at the West House, in Sandusky, 
and hailed from Philadelphia. After Cole and Beall had 
agreed upon the plan to capture the Michigan, Beall departed 
to carry out his part of the undertaking. 

The plan provided that Beall with a force of twenty Con- 
:;ederates should take passage on the steamer Philo Parsons, 
at or below Detroit, put the passengers and crew ashore, and 
then steam ahead in the usual way as if going to Sandusky 
until near the Michigan, when they would turn and run 
alongside, board and capture the gunboat. The prisoners 
on Johnson's Island would then be released. Captain Cole 
meanwhile would perform his part and have a messenger at 
Bass Island for Beall and Burley upon their arrival. 

The acquaintance formed with Captain Carter of the 
Michigan, when Captain Cole made his initial tour around 
the Lakes, had been cultivated until a congenial association 
had made them the best of friends. Cole had also ingratiated 
himself in the esteem and confidence of the other officers of 
the gunboat. He often entertained them at sumptuous 
dinners at his hotel and dispensed the choicest wines 
with lavish but discreet hospitality. Cole was often 
an invited guest on the Michigan, and added the engineer 
to his list of friends, with whom he finally made safe and 
satisfactory terms. It might be said with truth that Cole 
was now a privileged character on the gunboat and was freely 
allowed to visit the prison on Johnson's Island and converse 
with the officers, among whom were Ma j. -Gens. Edward 
Johnson and J. R. Trimble, Brig.-Gens. Jeff. Thompson, 
Archer, Jones, Beall and Frazer, Colonel Scales of the 
Thirtieth Mississippi, Major Thompson of Morgan's com- 
mand, Captain Breckinridge, son of John C. Breckinridge of 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 235 

Kentucky, Col. Lucius Davis, who officiated in the John 
Brown war, and Capt. Robert Cobb Kennedy of the First 
Louisiana Infantry. These gentlemen were let into the 
secret of the proposed capture of the Michigan and had all 
the arrangements perfected for a revolt in the prison at 
the critical moment, in aid of their rescuers, if the gunboat 
should be secured. A signal was to be fired from the gun- 
boat by Cole and Beall which the prisoners would under- 
stand to mean that the vessel was in their possession. 

Cole had established relations with the citizens of San- 
dusky who were members of the "Order of the Star." These 
were at his service in a social way. They frequently joined 
him in extending hospitality, and he never missed an oppor- 
tunity to fete any of the officers of the gunboat when they 
appeared in Sandusky. 

The time had now arrived for action and Cole arranged 
with the officers of the Michigan to be his guests, on their 
own gunboat, at a special champagne dinner he was to give 
on the evening of the 19th of September. Meanwhile, he 
had arranged with the engineer to derange the machinery 
of the gunboat. Cole's plan at his dinner was to drug the 
wine of the officers and put them to sleep. He, with a Con- 
federate companion, would then be on board to await the 
arrival of Beall. A signal was to be sent up from the gun- 
boat when Beall approached, besides the messenger to 
Middle Bass Island. 

There was a small arsenal on the gunboat where the arms, 
etc., of the men were kept. Cole and one friend proposed 
with two pistols each to take position at the door of the little 
armory and hold the unarmed men at bay when Beall arrived 
on the Philo Parsons and boarded the gunboat. In this way 
it was expected to obtain possession without a conflict or any 
loss of life. 

It happened that some one in the confidence of Colonel 
Thompson had betrayed Cole. The officers were advised 
in time to arrest him promptly and put him in irons. The 
Michigan was put in order for battle with steam up for the 



236 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

pursuit of the Philo Parsons if she approached. It devel- 
oped, however, that the engine did not work at this critical 
juncture, but Captain Carter never knew the cause. The 
engineer had been true to his bargain with Captain Cole. 

The imprisonment of Captain Cole and the other im- 
portant fact that he had been betrayed was at once commu- 
nicated by a messenger to Colonel Thompson and Mr. Clay 
at Toronto. They promptly addressed the United States 
commander as follows : 

Toronto, September 22, 1864. 
To Colonel Hill, Commandant of Post, Johnson's Island. 

Sir: We have just learned that Captain Cole, an escaped 
prisoner, has been arrested by the military authorities at your 
post, and is to be tried on the charge of being a public spy. As 
the agents and commissioners of the Confederate States, we 
protest against his being tried on this charge. As a prisoner 
he was brought into your lines against his will, and since his 
escape he has not been able to return to his own country, and 
therefore he was legitimately where he was found and taken 
into your lines. Whatever business he might have conceived, 
he has done nothing whatever violative of the laws of nations, 
the laws of the United States, or any regulation of the army, 
and it will be contrary to every principle, either of public, com- 
mon, civil, or statutory law, to punish him for his designs or 
purposes, provided he had carried none of them into execution. 
On the hypothesis, then, that you have reason to believe that he 
contemplated any act of violence, if he failed to carry it out or 
make any attempt looking to that end, he cannot surely be 
judged guilty of any offense. If you proceed to extremities 
with Captain Cole we shall find it our duty to call on the author- 
ities of the Confederate States to adopt proper measures of 
retaliation. If you can justly condemn Captain Cole as a spy, 
every soldier and officer of the army of the United States 
coming within the lines of the armies or limits of the Confed- 
erate States could be tried and condemned as such. We admit 
your right to return him to prison as a recaptured prisoner, but 
any other punishment, in our judgment, would be against 
justice and the law. 

If any importance is attached to his being within your lines 
without wearing his uniform, the circumstances which surround 
him as an escaped prisoner will very well explain the reason of 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 237 

its absence. He had no uniform to wear. He did not even 
change his name, which is usual in such cases. He had con- 
ducted himself with the boldness, courage, and frankness of 
the true soldier in all his associations. He deserves this fate 
and none other. 

Very respectfully, 
(Signed.) Jacob Thompson, 

C. C. Clay, 

Commissioners. 

The contention made in this communication was eventu- 
ally ejfifective and Captain Cole suffered no worse fate than 
that of a prisoner of war. He had frankly acknowledged 
his true character and purposes to release the prisoners on 
Johnson's Island. 

The plans and purposes of Captain Cole were related to 
me by Colonel Thompson and afterwards by Captain Beall. 

The Federal official proceedings were as follows : 

War Department, Bureau of Military Justice. 

July i8, 1865. 
Bvt. Brig.-Gen. W. Hoffman, U. S. Army, 

Commissary-General of Prisoners, Washington, D. C. 

General : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
your communication of the 15th instant, with which, pursuant 
to the direction of the lieutenant-general of the Army, you 
inclose the papers in the cases of Charles H. Cole and John E. 
Robinson (held as prisoners of war) for the opinion thereon of 
the Judge-Advocate-General as to their proper disposition, and 
in reply thereto would respectfully submit as folloAvs : 

It is clearly disclosed by the report of Col. Charles W. Hill, 
U. S. Army, and the testimony accompanying the same, that 
Cole was an active co-conspirator with Jacob Thompson, C. C. 
Clay, Jr., W. Norris, and others in Canada and the neighboring 
States of the Union, in a scheme to release in September last 
the rebel prisoners confined on Johnson's Island, and to seize 
the United States steamer Michigan, then stationed at San- 
dusky, Ohio ; that Cole had, for a considerable period before his 
arrest (on 19th of September), been engaged in the preparatory 
details of the expedition, and that while so engaged he was 
directly in the pay of the rebel Government, receiving from 
Thompson, its "agent and commissioner," sundry sums of money 



238 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

in gold and U. S. Treasury notes, amounting in all to about 
$4,000 ; further, that Robinson was a subordinate of Cole in the 
general plan, and, though possessed of less intelligence, was 
actively employed in the plot. 

What the details alluded to precisely were, beyond passing to 
and fro between the representatives of the rebellion in Canada 
and the United States, and acting principally at Sandusky as 
a principal and director of the parties on the United States side 
of the lake who were to co-operate in carrying out the scheme, 
does not clearly appear. The seizure, however, of the steamers 
Island Queen and Philo Parsons by Canadian rebels on the same 
day as that on which Cole was arrested was a signal overt act 
of the conspiracy, for which he is no doubt to be held responsible 
equally with those immediately concerned therein. 

The only direct testimony connecting Cole actively with the 
plot is, indeed, his own confession. This confession was oral, 
and does not appear in written form, but having been made, 
and, as it is understood, voluntarily, in the presence of Colonel 
Hill and Captain Carter, of the Michigan, and carefully noted, 
in substance, by the former, it may readily be introduced in 
evidence. 

No confession or statement by Robinson appears to have 
been presented, and the only proof against him is found in the 
declarations of Cole. 

Upon the arrest of the latter a communication was addressed 
by Thompson and Clay, from Toronto, Canada West, to Colonel 
Hill, protesting against Cole's being treated as a spy, and claim- 
ing that he was an escaped rebel prisoner who could merely be 
returned to captivity by the U. S. authorities, but could not be 
proceeded against for any crime. 

But there is no evidence that Cole was technically a spy, yet 
that he is to be treated as a criminal, and not as a prisoner of 
war, is abundantly shown by the papers found in his possession 
upon his apprehension. From these it appears that when a 
prisoner of war at Memphis in April, 1864, he subscribed both 
to a formal parole not to take arms against the United States 
or give any aid or comfort to the enemy, and to an oath of 
allegiance to the Government, and that thereupon he was 
granted, under the designation of "Charles Cole, late a captain 
in the rebel army," a permission to proceed to Harrisburg, Pa., 
with the condition only that he should report to the provost- 
marshal there. He was, therefore, to be deemed, from and 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 239 

after that time, as a citizen, under military surveillance, perhaps, 
but no less a citizen and owing allegiance as such to the United 
States. 

It follows, therefore, that this party is triable, as follows : 

For a treasonable conspiracy with Robinson, Thompson, 
Clay, Norris, and others. 

For a violation of the laws of zuar in engaging in an attempt 
to seise Government property and release prisoners of zvar. 

For a violation of his oath of allegiance. 

For a violation of his parole. 

Upon any and all of these charges he is believed to be triable 
by a military commission. 

^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 

It would appear, however, that the criminality of Robinson 
is of a character much less grave than that of Cole, and also 
that he is not a person of influence or much intelligence. It is 
suggested, therefore, that the privilege be offered him of appear- 
ing as a witness against Cole, upon the usual terms of pardon, 
provided he fully and frankly discloses all the facts within his 
knowledge ; and that should he so appear and disclose, the trial 
of Cole upon all the charges indicated be proceeded with. 

That this man — at once a secret agent and hireling of the 
rebelHon and a false and perjured traitor — should escape pun- 
ishment would appear to involve a deplorable failure of justice. 

In absence of the Judge-Advocate-General : 

A. A. HOSMER, 

Major and Judge- Advocate. 

Captain Cole was afterwards removed to Fort Lafayette, 
New York, and his case was disposed of as follows : 

Headquarters Fort Lafayette, 

New York Harbor, February 5, 1866. 
Bvt. Brig.-Gen. E. D. Townsend, 

Assistant Adjutant-General, U. S. Army, Washington, D. C. 

Sir : I have to state that I allowed the writ of habeas corpus 

in the case of Charles H. Cole to be served on me this day, and 

that I have to present him in the City Hall at the court-house in 

Brooklyn on the loth instant at 9 a. m. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Martin Burke, 
Brevet Brigadier-General, U. S. Army, Commanding Post. 



240 confederate operations 

Headquarters Fort Lafayette, 

New York Harbor, February lo, 1866. 
Bvt. Brig.-Gen. D. T. Van Buren, 

Assistant Adjutant-General, Headquarters Department of the 
East. 

Sir : I have to state that Charles H. Cole, late prisoner at 
this post, has been discharged by Judge Gilbert at the Brooklyn 
court-house this day. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Martin Burke, 
Brevet Brigadier-General, U. S. Army, Commanding Post. 

(Indorsement.) 

Headquarters Department of the East, 

New York City, February 12, 1866. 
Respectfully forwarded to Adjutant-General's Office. Cole 
was confined as one of the party who attempted to seize the 
U. S. steamer Michigan on Lake Erie in 1864, etc. 

Joseph Hooker, 
Major-General Commanding. 
By D. T. Van Buren, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 



CHAPTER XXV 

Capt. John Yates Beall — His home in Virginia — Early career 
in. the Confederacy with Bennett G. Burley — Capture of 
steamer Philo Parsons on Lake Erie — Capture of Island 
Queen — Attempt to release prisoners on Johnson's Island — 
Mutiny of men when signals failed to appear — Compelled to 
return and destroy vessels — Men disperse in Canada — Arrest 
of Burley — Confederate steamer Georgiana on Lake Erie. 

The betrayal and arrest of Captain Cole necessarily 
doomed the expedition of Captain Beall, and yet he proceeded 
in ignorance of the fact. As an officer of the Confederate 
Navy Beall was adapted to the particular part of the adven- 
ture to which he had been assigned. 

John Yates Beall was born January ist, 1835, at Walnut 
Grove, the farm of his father, in Jefferson County, Virginia. 
It is said of this home that it took the first premium at a 
State Fair as the "model farm" within the limits of the Old 
Dominion. Beall graduated at the University of Virginia 
about 1856. He espoused the cause of the South and was 
ready for service when hostilities began in Virginia. His 
first experience was with Stonewall Jackson in a skirmish 
at Falling Waters. He was attached as a private to the 
Second Virginia Infantry, but was at home on leave when 
his regiment went from the Shenandoah Valley to the battle 
of Bull Run, July 21, 1861. A Federal force having occupied 
Harper's Ferry and the county of Jefferson, Col. Turner 
Ashby with a command of cavalry was contesting their ad- 
vance and a number of engagements were fought. In one 
of these near Beall's home he was a volunteer and com- 
manded an improvised company of militia in the engagement. 
The Confederates were successful. As the Federals fell 



242 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

back, a party of them halted, and turning- fired upon their 
pursuers. Beall was among the foremost and received a shot 
in the right breast which broke three ribs and went around 
his body. 

During the long period he was an invalid he went to Rich- 
mond, thence to Tallahassee, Florida. "Here he met Gen. R. 
W. Williams and his wife. Upon their urgent invitation 
he accompanied them to their plantation on Pascagoula Isl- 
and, in Louisiana, where he remained for several months a 
welcome recipient of their hospitality." 

Beall finally passed through the United States and located 
at Riley's Hotel, Dundas, C. W., in November, 1862. Early 
in January, 1863, his preparations were made to return to 
the South. He says in his diary : 

John Morgan had played such havoc in Kentucky with the 
railroads and communications, that it was deemed impossible 
for me to go South by that route. I then thought of West 
Virginia, but the steamboats were seized to carry subsistence 
to Rosecrans's army, and I took the cars to Baltimore. After 
a false start I got on a pungy owned and run by blockaders, and 
about the last of February landed in Virginia. My comrade, 
Mr. Schluder, of St. Louis, Missouri, had escaped from the 
Yankees — was from Price's army. We got to Richmond, and 
found Dan Lucas and all the boys at Fredericksburg. 

H« ^ ^ ^ Jj: lie H^ 

From a "Memoir of J. Y. Beall" (author unknown) I 
quote the following : 

Upon Beall's arrival in Richmond he set about to make a 
digest of his views, ist. In regard to privateering on the 
Northern lakes, and levying contributions on the adjacent cities ; 
and 2d, by privateering on the Potomac and Chesapeake. ' It 
is the belief of the author, that Beall was the first to suggest to 
the authorities in Richmond the feasibility of successful attack 
on Johnson's Island, and the rescue of the prisoners there held 
in confinement. In conjunction with a gallant young officer of 
the Confederate Army, then on the retired list owing to ill- 
health, Beall submitted his project to the President, embracing 
both of the above-named objects. His ideas were bold, but not 
visionary. A privateer, secretly armed and manned, once set 
afloat on the Lakes could, he maintained, sweep their waters, and 




John Yates Beall 
1864 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 243 

lay their cities from Chicago to Detroit in ashes, unless 
redeemed by heavy contributions ; or could surprise the steamer 
off Johnson's Island, release the prisoners, and with this steamer 
sweep Erie from Toledo to Buffalo, and burn these cities, or 
lay them under contributions. Beall, and the young- officer 
above alluded to, laid this project before the President, and it 
was by him referred to Hon. S. R. Mallory, Secretary of the 
Navy. Mr. Mallory, after due consideration, informed Beall 
that his scheme upon the Lakes was regarded as feasible, but 
did not think it could be accomplished without endangering our 
neutral relations with England. The project upon the Potomac 
was approved, and Beall was handed a commission as acting 
master in the Confederate States Navy. He was assured that 
if at any time in the future the Secretary should conclude to 
execute the Lake scheme, he (Beall) and the young officer who 
was acting in conjunction with him were to be assigned 
positions in the enterprise. Whether the honorable Secretary 
kept his promise or not, may interest the future historian to 
inquire. 

Thus held in abeyance as to his favorite enterprise on the 
Lakes, Beall and his colleague, with their naval commissions in 
their hands, set about organizing an expedition for privateering 
on the waters of the lower Potomac and York rivers, and on 
Chesapeake Bay. Meantime, it should have been mentioned 
that Beall had gone before a medical examining board, and 
received a final discharge from the military service on the 
ground of disability arising from a wound received on the i6th 
day of October, 1861, which penetrated the right lung, and 
increased a hereditary tendency to consumption. 

The conscription was now being rigorously enforced in the 
Confederacy, and Beall was restricted in recruiting to those not 
liable to military duty under existing law. Among his earliest 
recruits were two young Scotchmen ; one was a stout, round- 
shouldered, deep full-chested man of two and twenty, with 
brown hair, blue eyes quick with intelligence, and a fair beard- 
less face — this was Bennett G. Burley, afterwards Beall's lieu- 
tenant in the famous Lake Erie expedition, and subsequently 
delivered up on the requisition of the United States authorities, 
by Chief Justice Draper of Canada West ; delivered up on a 
charge of robbery to be tried for piracy ; a rendition illustrative 
of what Junius so much admired as represented in Lord Mans- 
field — the independence of the English judiciary in political 



244 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

trials. Burley, even at this early day, had not been without his 
experience in prison hfe. The son of a master mechanic of 
Glasgow, he had left the land of the pibroch and thistle, landed 
in New York, and finally strayed into the Confederacy with a 
sub-marine battery in his pocket. It was on paper — ^the inven- 
tion of his father. 

He had also a torpedo which required to be attached to the 
side of the vessel attacked, by screws, and then ignited by a 
fuse; such attachment could only be effected by approaching 
the vessel by night in a small boat with muffled oars, and swim- 
ming the remainder of the way, and screwing the torpedo to 
the vessel — returning to the skifif or small boat, and thence 
igniting the fuse. Brooke thought that Diogenes with his lamp 
might as soon find the object of his search, as he a man willing 
to swim to an enemy's vessel, screw on a torpedo, and light 
the fuse. One such man, however, was found, who afterwards 

swam to a war vessel in the , screwed on the 

torpedo, retired, and sprung the lanyard, but the fuse would 
not ignite ; in this way the torpedo found its way again to New 
York; from Burley's pocket in Castle Thunder, corner of 21st 
and Casey, Richmond, to the northwest corner of Fulton and 
Nassau streets, New York, whence in the columns of the Herald 
it duly issued in large capitals: "CURIOUS INFERNAL 
MACHINE, FOUND ATTACHED TO THE BOTTOM OF 

THE WAR STEAMER on RIVER!" 

The look-out declared he had heard oars as of a bateau dipping 
near the ship that night, and next morning the officer found 
the infernal machine fastened to her prow. 

The Scotchman who fastened this torpedo on the vessel of 
war was John Maxwell, accompanied by Burley, whose com- 
panion he was when he enlisted with Beall. Maxwell was the 
larger of the two — he was full six feet, with broad square 
shoulders, black hair, moustache, and whiskers. If Burley 
would have done to set for Lydon the supple Pompeian 
gladiator. Maxwell on the other hand would have represented 
the almost Herculean Niger. Burley was the Lowlander from 
Glasgow and the banks of the Clyde, but Maxwell looked for 
all the world as though he might have just stepped from the 
side of Ben Lothian with bare legs, the plaid upon his shoulder, 
and the purse about his waist. 

Such were specimens of the non-conscripts who composed the 
first privateering expedition on the waters of the York, 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 245 

Potomac, and, Chesapeake, which Beall originated, but, in com- 
mand of which, at his own request, he was ranked by the gallant 
young soldier before alluded to. This expedition met with but 
partial success. Their numbers only reached nine or ten, and 
they were not armed or equipped in a style which would justify 
extensive operations. They started from Richmond about the 
1st of April, 1863, and proceeded to Mathews Court House. 
Beall returned to Richmond about the 15th of June, to procure 
cutlasses, and other necessary equipments. The company was 
of a partisan character, the Government furnishing nothing but 
arms, uniforms, and equipments, while the party furnished 
their own boat, received no pay, but were entitled to all they 
could capture. In the first month nothing more was done than 
to surprise a camp of armed "Contrabands," killing one, cap- 
turing one, and putting to flight the remainder. This exploit 
occurred on Black River, in Elizabeth City County, Virginia, 
and within ten miles of Fortress Monroe. 

Upon his return to Richmond Beall's superior in command 
received an appointment with the rank of colonel of cavalry, 
and, accepting it, Beall was left thenceforth in command of the 
adventurous squad upon the Potomac. His aim was to render 
his command upon the waters of the Peninsula, in the bays, and 
inlets of the eastern shore of Virginia, what Mosby's was on 
land, in the fastnesses of the Blue Ridge, and in the forests of 
Piedmont, and the Northern Neck. 

On the 1 8th of September Beall set out from Mathews. His 
party now numbered eighteen. Roy McDonald had been pro- 
moted to the rank of acting master. Beall himself was gener- 
ally known as "Captain Beall," from the time he assumed entire 
command of the party ; though he never at any time during the 
war held any other commission than that of acting master, 
dating from the 5th of March, 1863. His two gallant little 
boats, one black, the other white, were christened respectively 
the Raven and the Szvaii. Dividing his party, taking half in 
the Sivaji with himself, and assigning McDonald to command 
the Raven with the remainder, he left Horn Harbor, Mathews 
County, and proceeded first to Raccoon Island near Cape 
Charles ; lying off here he found a Yankee sloop, the Mary 
Anne, and two fishing scows, all of which he captured. Thence 
with his prizes, he proceeded to Watch Spring Inlet on the 
coast of Accomac. On the night of the 21st of September, 
notwithstanding the equinoctial storm had set in, and a heavy 



246 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

northwester was blowing, he boarded and captured the Alliance, 
a large sloop, Capt. David Ireland, Staten Island, New York, 
bound from Philadelphia to Port Royal, South Carolina, laden 
with sutler's stores. McDonald with the Raven was to tackle 
the sloop on the starboard, and Beall on the port. The night 
was fearfully dark and stormy ; the hour selected was eleven ; 
the crew had turned in ; the captain and mate were playing 
dominoes in the cabin. The Raven was dashed against the side 
of the schooner, her tiller broken, and McDonald thrown head- 
long into the water. He regained the boat, which was washed 
back by the heavy sea, and came up with the Swan on the port ; 
Beall and McDonald therefore boarded on the same side ; the 
former conducted his crew to the forecastle to capture the 
schooner's crew, while the latter struck for the cabin, where he 
found the captain and mate, unsuspicious of danger, quietly 
enjoying their game. Captain Ireland was a bold, brave man, 
and, watching his opportunity, started for his own stateroom to 
get his arms ; in doing so, however, he had to pass McDonald, 
who, observing the movement, called him to halt, with a cocked 
pistol, and told him to go back to the cabin; the Captain 
promptly obeyed. 

The next day, September 22d, the equinox continued, and, 
all hands being brought on board the Alliance, both anchors 
were cast away to keep her steady. That night, however, they 
again took boat, and just out the inlet captured three Yankee 
sloops, the Houseman, Samuel Pearsall, and a third, name not 
remembered, commanded by Capt. Rushman Craft. On the 
night of the 23d they ran these three vessels, last named, out 
of the inlet, stripped them of all valuables, scuttled them, and 
sent them to sea. On the 24th all hands took to the larger 
schooner Alliance, and sailed westward to Cobb's Island. Here 
Beall obtained a reliable pilot, and announced his intention, 
hazardous as might seem the undertaking, to run his prize 
through the blockade, and up the Pianketank River to North 
End or about that point, where he would be enabled to land his 
whole cargo, and transport the same to Richmond. Accord- 
ingly he paroled the crews of the Mary Anne and fishing smacks, 
sent McDonald with the other prisoners to Mathews, and set 
out for the mouth of the Pianketank with the Alliance. His 
pilot was a Canadian, experienced and true ; but whether owing 
to the presence of a Federal gunboat within a mile of the mouth 
of the Pianketank, or some other cause, on this occasion he 
missed the channel by twelve feet, and grounded the vessel. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 247 

Beall promptly landed what goods he could run ashore in boats, 
and burnt the schooner to the water's edge. He reached Rich- 
mond with what remained of his cargo, about the same time 
that McDonald arrived there with seventeen prisoners. From 
the sale of the cargo the party realized a handsome dividend, 
as the goods captured were at this time very valuable in the 
Confederacy. 

Captain Beall's operations now began to attract attention, and 
to call down heavy denunciations upon him in the North. 
Brigadier-General Wistar was sent down to Mathews and the 
neighboring counties for the special purpose of capturing Beall 
and his marines. Wistar's force for this purpose consisted of 
one regiment of negro infantry, two of white cavalry, and a 
battalion of artillery ; also three gunboats in North River, three 
in East River, two in the Pianketank, and one or two off New 
Point Comfort. * * * He (Beall) found the Peninsula, 
for the present, too hot for him, and, dispersing his party 
through the country, he returned to Richmond. * * * 

Beall collected his small band of marines, and, leaving Rich- 
mond about the loth of November, proceeded cautiously, almost 
stealthily, to the coast, and again took boat. He crossed the 
bay again with his two gallant little birds, the Raven and the 
Swan; he struck Tangier Inlet, on the coast of Accomac, and 
captured there a schooner. Daylight coming on, Beall sent a 
squad of his men with one boat to conceal themselves, while he 
remained with the captured schooner and only a sufficient 
number of men not to attract attention. The result was, the 
party sent out were by carelessness captured, and one of them 
in terror disclosed who they were. Forthwith the enemy armed 
all the small boats and pungies in the neighborhood, and with 
four or five hundred men went in pursuit of Beall. The latter 
could have escaped, but waited so long to see what was the fate 
of his detachment, that escape became impossible, and he found 
himself surrounded. Recognizing the fact that he was no 
longer master of the situation, Beall threw overboard everything 
of value, and surrendered. His capture was heralded through- 
out the North as an achievement of no small moment, and was 
the subject of a special despatch from General Wistar. The 
"notorious Captain Beall" was at last caught, and the enemy 
proposed to deal out summary, or as the Neapolitans call it, 
"economical," justice to him and his band of "pirates." * * * 
He and his party remained in irons for forty-two days. At the 
end of this time they were released, and placed upon the footing 



248 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

of Other prisoners of war. Beall was allowed to write a com- 
munication to Richmond, which being laid before Mr. Mallory 
and Commissioner Robert Ould, was speedily followed by a 
reprisal by placing in irons seventeen captive Federal marines, 
and two commissioned officers as hostages. This "taste of 
retaliation" soon had the desired effect. Gen. Benjamin F. 
Butler himself gave the subject his attention, and ordered these 
so-called "pirates" to be released from their irons, and placed 
on the footing of other prisoners of war. This being done, 
Beall was forwarded along with other officers from Fort 
McHenry to City Point on the 20th of March, where he 
remained until the 5th of May ensuing, when he was duly 
exchanged, and returned to Richmond. McDonald, however, 
and the balance of the party, among whom was Beall's brother 
William, were not exchanged until the following October, when 
a general exchange of naval prisoners took place between the 
respective governments. * * * On the very day on which 
Beall was exchanged commenced the battle of the Wilderness. 

;[; ^5 5): :ic 5): jj; >;: 

On the succeeding day he temporarily attached himself to 
the Engineer Corps under charge of Lieutenant Henderson, a 
friend ; and being thus enabled to draw rations, etc., he remained 
near the defenses around Mechanicsville for some days. When, 
however, both armies were sufficiently exhausted/to require rest, 
Beall, his patience exhausted by the neglect of the department, 
and his spirit chafing for that action which his health denied 
him on the field, suddenly left the camp on the Chickahominy, 
reappeared on the coast in Mathews County, crossed over to 
the Eastern Shore, and came leisurely on through Baltimore to 
New York, and thence to Canada West. 

There was everything in the military experience of 
Beall to fit him for the expedition to release the prisoners 
at Johnson's Island. In company with Bennett G. Burley, the 
Scotchman who had been his comrade on the shore of Vir- 
ginia, and eighteen other Confederate soldiers, Captain Beall 
made every preparation and took position to embark upon 
the expedition to capture the gunboat Michigan at Johnson's 
Island. 

On Sunday evening, the i8th of September, 1864, Bennett G. 
Burley took passage on board the Philo Parsons at the wharf of 
Detroit. This steamer plied regularly between Detroit and 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 249 

Sandusky City. Btirley inquired whether the boat stopped 
regularly at Sandwich, a small town on the Canadian side of 
Lake Erie; upon being informed that it did not he requested 
the clerk and part owner of the boat, W. O. Ashley, to stop 
there the next morning and take on three friends of his, who, 
with himself, were bound for Sandusky. (Memoir of Beall.) 

This arrangement was made and at 8 o'clock the next 
morning Captain Beall with two men jumped on the boat as 
she came near enough without a regular stop. 

At Amherstburg i6 men .came on board without baggage 
except an old trunk tied with ropes. This was 9.30 o'clock. 
About 4 p. m. the steamer touched at Kelley's Island. Im- 
mediately after leaving Kelley's Island Captain Beall was 
talking with the mate, who was at the helm. Glancing 
around to see that his men were ready, Beall exclaimed that 
he took possession of the boat in the name of the Confederate 
States and that any man who resisted would do so at his 
peril. 

In a moment Beall and Burley with their eighteen men 
flashed out their navy sixes and commanded the situation. 
There was a prompt surrender on the part of all the pas- 
sengers, who were corralled in the cabin under guard. Ash- 
ley, the clerk, obeyed the command to surrender. Beall then 
took possession of the papers, books, and money of the boat. 
There was over one hundred dollars in money belonging to 
the boat. Burley with sixteen men cleared the deck for serv- 
ice at Johnson's Island by throwing overboard all the heavy 
freight. 

Beall now had the steamer headed for Middle Bass Island, 
which is ten miles from the Ohio shore and the same distance 
from Johnson's Island. Soon after the Philo Parsons 
reached the island and the prisoners were put ashore, the 
Island Queen from Sandusky landed alongside the Philo 
Parsons. Beall with fourteen men boarded her immediately 
and took possession in the name of the Confederate States, 
proclaiming the fact in a loud voice. It looked for a few 
minutes as if there would be a fight, as there was some re- 



250 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

sistance and several shots were fired before the crew and pas- 
sengers surrendered. Mr. Haynes, the engineer, was wounded 
in the neck. The passengers and crew were sent on board the 
Philo Parsons and held for an hour, when they were landed 
with their baggage. Among them were several Federal 
soldiers unarmed belonging to the One Hundred and Thir- 
tieth Ohio Regiment of "hundred day" men who were on 
their way to Toledo to be mustered out of service. These 
were paroled. One of the passengers had eighty thousand 
dollars on his person. He asked Beall to let him keep a part 
of it. Beall told him to keep it all and told all that they 
wanted nothing from any of them. But that the boats and 
their money were a prize of war on the lake and would be 
appropriated accordingly. The two vessels were lashed 
together, but after running some five miles Beall scuttled the 
Island Queen and sent her adrift. She sunk just above 
Chichanolee Reef. 

Beall was disappointed in not finding a messenger at Mid- 
dle Bass Island from Captain Cole and was now proceeding 
without any advices whatever. As he reached the mouth of 
Sandusky Bay he was looking for the agreed signal lights or 
rockets, either from Johnson's Island, on the Michigan, or 
on the Ohio shore. But he looked in vain and his men looked 
in vain. The moon was shining brightly and the length of 
the Michigan could be discerned. The lights were burning 
on the gunboat and Beall proceeded slowly and cautiously. 
Suddenly seventeen of Beall's men mutinied. They declared 
that they were going into the battle blindly with a gunboat 
and that none of the promises of Captain Cole had been ful- 
filled. There had been no messenger and there were no 
signals. The steamer was halted for a parley. Beall expos- 
tulated and threatened but without avail. The men then 
drew up an instrument of writing and all signed it as follows : 

On Board the Philo Parsons, 

September 20, 1864. 
We, the undersigned, crew of the boat aforesaid, take pleasure 
in expressing our admiration of gentlemanly bearing, skill, and 
courage of Capt. John Y. Beall as a commanding officer and a 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 251 

gentleman, but believing and being well convinced that the 
enemy is already apprised of our approach, and is so well 
prepared that we cannot by possibility make it a success, and 
having already captured two boats, we respectfully decline to 
prosecute it any further. 

J. S. Riley, M. D. Wilham Byland, 

H. B. Barkley, Robert G. Harris, 

R. F. Smith, W. C. Holt, 

David H. Ross, Tom S. Major, 

R. B. Drake, N. S. Johnston, 

James Brotherton, John Bristol, 

M. H. Duncan, F. H. Thomas, 

W. B. King, J. G. Odoer. 

Joseph Y. Clark, 

Burley and one other stood by Beall. There was no alter- 
native now but for Captain Beall to return up Lake Erie. He 
was compelled to abandon the attack though he did not 
believe Captain Cole had failed. Beall contended that he 
would surprise the gunboat in any event and if he failed to 
board her he could escape. He now proceeded to Fighting- 
Island in Detroit River, where he landed several prisoners, 
among whom was Captain Orr of the Island Queen. These 
had been confined in the hold of the Philo Parsons. He 
then proceeded to Sandwich, Canada. 

Having removed everything of value from the steamer, 
Beall scuttled the Philo Parsons and left her to her fate. 
The men dispersed and all escaped arrest except Bennett G. 
Burley. His extradition was demanded by the United States 
authorities and his arrest followed. He was confined at 
Toronto. 

Captain Beall managed to confer with Colonel Thompson 
and give a full account of the failure of his expedition. 

The attempt of Captains Cole and Beall had caused great 
excitement in the United States, especially along the north- 
ern borders. There were now many detectives in Toronto 
and other places from the United States endeavoring to 
locate and identify the parties who composed the force of 



252 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Captain Beall on the Philo Parsons. Beall went northward 
in Canada on a hunting and fishing journey, spending a 
couple of weeks in camp. 

Martin and I had crossed the ferry at Detroit, on our way 
to Toronto, only three days after Beall scuttled the Philo 
Parsons at Sandwich. 

A brief account of this expedition under Captain Beall and 
a letter he wrote to a Canadian editor, who had severely criti- 
cised the conduct of Beall, are recorded in his diary, and are 
striking illustrations of his character and sentiments : 

RAID ON LAKE ERIE. 

Immediately on my arrival in Canada I went to Colonel 
Thompson at Toronto, and made application to start a privateer 
on Lake Huron. He informed me of a plan to take the 
Michigan (14 guns), and release the Confederate officers con- 
fined at Johnson's Island. I immediately volunteered, and went 
to Sandusky, Ohio, to meet Captain Cole, the leader. We 
arranged our plans, and separated. Cole stayed at Sandusky. 
I came to Windsor to collect men, and carry them to the given 
point. On Monday morning we started, some from Detroit, 
some from Sandwich, some from Amherstburg. When off 
Kelley's Island, I seized the Philo Parsons, and mustering my 
men, found only some twenty there. 

We went back to Middle Bass Island to procure wood and 
wait for the time when the steamer Island Qneen came up, and 
we took her. I then started back to attack the Michigan, when 
seventeen of my twenty men mutinied, and refused to go for- 
ward, and this necessitated my turning back, thus abandoning 
Cole to be hung, a most cowardly and dishonorable affair. 

Communication to a Canadian Jonrnal. 

"Mr. Editor : You condemn the conduct of those who cap- 
tured the two steamers on Lake Erie as infringing the laws of 
Canada. Cognizant of the facts, I wish to present them to 
you, hoping to win you to reserve your decision. 

"The United States is carrying on war on Lake Erie against 
the Confederate States (either by virtue of right or sufferance 
from you), by transportation of men and supplies on its waters ; 
by confining Confederate prisoners on its islands, and lastly, by 
the presence of a 14-gun steamer patrolling its waters. The 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 253 

Confederates clearly have the right to retaliate, provided they 
can do so without infringing your laws. They did not infringe 
those laws ; for, first, the plan for this attack was matured, and 
sought to be carried out in the United States, and not in Canada ; 
there was not a Canadian, or any man enlisted in Canada. 

"Secondly. No act of hostility was committed on Canadian 
waters or soil. Any man may lawfully come into, or leave 
Canada as he may please, and no foreign government can com- 
plain of the exercise of this right here. These men embarked 
on an American vessel from Detroit, or sprang on to it while in 
motion, from Canadian wharves. The boat did not properly 
stop at Sandwich, or Amherstburg at all, as the Customs will 
show. It touched at two American ports, and was not captured 
until within range of the 30-pounder Parrott guns of the 14-gun 
steamer. What act of hostility had been committed up to this 
time? Another boat containing thirty or forty United States 
soldiers was captured in an American port. After wooding up, 
the Philo Parsons proceeded to the mouth of Sandusky Bay for 
the purpose of attacking the Michigan, when six-sevenths of 
the crew refused to do duty, and thus necessitated the abandon- 
ment of the enterprise. 

"Thirdly. What is this Michigan that she cannot be attacked ? 
Is the fact that she carries thirteen more guns than the treaty 
stipulation between the United States and England allows, a 
sufficient reason why she is not to be subject to attack ? England 
allows this boat to remain guarding Confederate prisoners, 
though she carries an armament in violation of the treaty. 

"Before these men are condemned, judge if they have broken 
your laws. No 'murder' was committed, indeed not a life lost. 
There was no searching of prisoners, no 'robbing.' It is true 
the boats were abused ; but, sir, they were captured by Con- 
federates, enemies of the United States, and however question- 
able the taste, the right is clear. These men were not 'burglars,' 
or 'pirates,' enemies of mankind, unless hatred and hostility to 
the Yankees be taken as a sin against humanity, or a crime 
against civilization." 

Immediately after the expedition of Beall and Burley had 
failed. Colonel Thompson decided to secure a vessel on the 
Lakes and equip her secretly, to be manned by a crew under 
command of Captain Beall. 

The steamer Georgiana was purchased by Dr. J. P. Bate, 
of Kentucky, who had been a steamboat captain. Beall was 



254 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

organizing his crew and force. He was now about ready. 
The Georgiana was anchored off the Canadian shore and 
equipments ready to be taken on board. 

Colonel Thompson now told us that Beall would pick up 
his crew and men at different points and begin operations at 
the east end of Lake Erie. Martin and I agreed to go on 
the expedition under Beall. It was intended that Beall 
should shell and capture Buffalo, if possible, or make the 
authorities ransom the city. He would at all events capture 
several other good steamers at Buffalo and destroy all the 
others at the wharf. Then our navy would take the town? 
along the shore to Cleveland, where a few additional Con- 
federates would come aboard at each place to help man the 
vessels. At the earliest moment, after two or more vessels 
could be equipped, the fleet would be divided and the one 
under Beall would make straight along the Canadian shore 
for the west, destroying every vessel he met. He would 
reach Toledo as soon as possible unless, by a scouting ves- 
sel, which he would send to Sandusky, he found the gun- 
boat Michigan had gone east to capture us about Buffalo. In 
such event he could go direct to Johnson's Island before the 
garrison could be reinforced and release the Confederate 
prisoners by attacking with the guns of two vessels. It was 
understood that every available Confederate soldier in 
Canada or Kentucky would come to join the crews. The 
chief reliance upon which the enterprise was expected to 
succeed was that four armed vessels would be ready in 
advance of the enemy when an effort would be made to sur- 
round the Michigan, and then in a battle at least one of our 
vessels would reach and board the gunboat, and capture her. 
It was not believed the gunboat could overtake our vessels 
by a chase and sink them in detail. According to the calcu- 
lations it was believed that our forces would number 300 to 
400 men on the boats, within one week after we struck 
Buffalo. 

Martin and I were ready to go and the only man we 
selected was George S. Anderson from Pittsylvania County, 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 255 

Virg-inia. He had been a courier for Colonel Martin on 
Morgan's last raid to Kentucky and was afterward in the 
company that I commanded in Cantrill's battalion near 
Rogersville, Tennessee, at the time I was detailed for service 
in Canada. He had heard of our coming to Canada, and 
being captured near Greeneville, East Tennessee, about the 
time General Morgan was killed, he escaped from a train in 
Ohio en route to Camp Chase, and made his way to Canada 
and found us at Toronto. 

Martin and I, with Anderson, proceeded to Port Colburn, 
on the north shore of Lake Erie, to get on the Georgiana. 
That place was fifteen miles from Buffalo and was the last 
Canadian port at which Beall would touch before making 
the attack. We waited for him two days and nights. His 
failure to come (he being twenty- four hours overdue) became 
a mystery and we returned tO' Toronto. We now learned 
from Colonel Thompson that the Canadian authorities had 
instituted such surveillance of the vessel that it had been 
impossible to get arms or other supplies on board the 
Georgiana. And besides the United States authorities, after 
the purchase, had alarmed all points on the lake and tugs 
were being fitted up at Buffalo and other cities, with artillery 
for her destruction. The panic could not have been greater 
if we had captured a city. In this dilemma this last enter- 
prise was abandoned and disposition was made of the 
Georgiana without delay. 



CHAPTER XXVI 

Lieutenant Youn^^'s raid upon St. Albans, Vermont — Retreat 
and pursuit — Capture by Americans in Canada — Rescued 
by a British officer — Sympathy for prisoners in Canada — 
Extradition demanded — Preparations for defense. 

A profound sensation was created all over the United 
States and Canada on the morning of October 20, 1864. The 
papers published the particulars of a raid upon St. Albans, 
Vermont, by a band of Confederate soldiers. It appeared 
that the attack was made by a party under command of Lieut. 
Bennett H. Young of Kentucky. The town had been fired, 
several citizens had been shot in the melee, and a large sum 
of money taken from three of the banks. The guerrillas had 
been chased by the citizens into Canada, according to reports 
in the newspapers. 

I soon learned that Colonel Thompson knew nothing of 
the expedition, but knew Lieutenant Young. A few days 
afterwards Mr. Clay came up from Montreal to Toronto and 
gave us all of the particulars, as reported to him by Lieu- 
tenant Young and his men. I met him in Colonel Thomp- 
son's rooms at the Queen's Hotel. He said he had authorized 
the expedition, which had been a success except that a large 
part of the money had been taken from the men who were 
arrested. Lieutenant Young had surrendered to a party of 
pursuers who came near taking his life. The expedition 
which had brought Lieutenant Young into great notoriety, 
in the United States and Canada, had produced alarm in all 
the towns in the United States, from Maine to Minnesota. 
This was the condition which was desired by the Con- 
federates. 




Bennett H. Young 
1864 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 257 

Lieutenant Young, who conducted this enterprise, was 21 
years of age at the time. He was a native of Jessamine 
County, Kentucky, and had enHsted in Gen. John H. Mor- 
gan's command. On General Morgan's raid into Ohio, 
Young was captured and imprisoned, first at Camp Chase, 
and later at Camp Douglas, from which place he escaped and 
made his way to Canada in the early spring of 1864. After 
considering all the routes and risks of returning to the Con- 
federacy, he concluded to go by sea from Nova Scotia. It 
was late in the spring before the ice broke up and navigation 
was resumed on the St. Lawrence River. Lieutenant Young 
went by the earliest vessel and landed at Halifax. Here he 
met Mr. Clay en route to Canada on his mission as Confed- 
erate Commissioner. It was soon agreed that Young should 
proceed on his journey to Richmond and arrange to return 
for service in Canada. 

Lieutenant Young sailed from Halifax early in June, 
and arrived safely at the Bermuda Islands. He then secured 
passage on a blockade runner, and passed safely into Wil- 
mington, North Carolina, though under a brisk fire from the 
blockading ships of the enemy. 

At Richmond the authorities cheerfully agreed to the 
recommendation of Mr. Clay. Young was commissioned a 
first lieutenant in the Confederate Army, with an assignment 
to service in Canada. He immediately departed with a sealed 
communication from the Secretary of War, James A. Sed- 
don, to Mr. Clay. At Wilmington he found the same ves- 
sel, and having" been furnished transportation by the Govern- 
ment, he proceeded without incident to the Bermuda Islands, 
and thence to Canada. 

Lieutenant Young went on to Upper Canada and stopped 
a few days at Toronto, but in due time reported for duty 
at St. Catharines, where Mr. Clay and Mr. James P. Hol- 
combe were residing and had been engaged in peace negotia- 
tions with Horace Greeley and Judge Black of Pennsylvania. 
Several conferences were also held here between the Con- 
federates and the leaders of the "Sons of Liberty." 



258 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Lieutenant Young organized quite a number of escaped 
prisoners and went to Chicago on the expedition of Capt. 
Thomas H. Hines, for the release of prisoners at Camp 
Douglas, when the revolution of the "Sons of Liberty" was 
also to occur during the Democratic National Convention, 
of which an account is given in a preceding chapter. 

Soon after this Lieutenant Young was sent by Mr. Clay 
to Columbus, Ohio, to arrange for an uprising of the pris- 
oners at Camp Chase, when the signal should be given that 
the arsenal outside and four miles distant, had been captured. 
Young made the journey alone and found but a small garri- 
son at the arsenal, which he felt could be overcome readily by 
thirty Confederates. It was thought that the prisoners after 
breaking out could reach the arsenal before any Federal 
troops could arrive from any other point. Young proposed 
after capturing the garrison at the arsenal, to go with over 
half of his men to the prison and make the attack suddenly 
upon the guard on the prison walls, thus opening a way out 
for the prisoners. The attack was to be made at midnight, 
telegraph lines were to be cut, and the bridges over the river 
were to be blown up. The 6,000 prisoners, as soon as armed 
at the arsenal, would then mount themselves in the city and 
country around, when they could march to the Confederacy. 

Lieutenant Young finally enlisted thirty men, the number 
needed, but a third. of them were raw or elderly, and at the 
appointed time for action these weakened and caused the 
abandonment of the enterprise. 

Lieutenant Young, after a conference with Mr. Clay, went 
into Vermont alone and selected St. Albans for an attack 
which could be made with the twenty reliable men who were 
now under his command. By arrangement, his men, two 
and three in a party, went by different routes and trains so 
as to arrive all together on the night of the i8th of October, 
1864. There was no disappointment this time. Every man 
arrived, and each party found rooms at the several hotels, 
where they remained most of the time. Lieutenant Young 
and one or two others went out the next forenoon and located 
the banks and livery stables. 




Clement Claiborne Clay 
1867 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 259 

Promptly at 3 o'clock in the afternoon the little com- 
mand suddenly rallied and formed in the street, with over- 
coats off and Confederate uniforms on. Each man wore a 
pair of navy sixes belted on outside. They proclaimed that 
they took possession of St. Albans in the name of the Con- 
federate States. The public square in the center of the city 
contained several acres, and all the citizens on the street were 
ordered to g"o into the square and remain. This was ridi- 
culed by a number of citizens, when the Confederates began 
to shoot at men who hesitated to go, and one was wounded. 
The citizens now realized that the exhibition was not a joke. 

The Confederates were prepared with fifty four-ounce 
bottles of Greek fire each, and while three men went to each 
bank and secured their money, the others were firing the 
hotels and other buildings, and securing horses and equip- 
ments. 

The citizens had been held at bay during the proceedings, 
which had consumed perhaps three-quarters of an hour. But 
the city contained about 5,000 inhabitants, and many men 
began to come into the public square. A number of Federal 
soldiers appeared among them, and preparations were being 
made for an attack upon the Confederates, who were now 
ready to go when a few more horses were equipped. 

Suddenly the people began to fire from windows, and 
three of the Confederates were seriously wounded. A skir- 
mish now ensued, and one citizen was killed. The Confed- 
erates dashed their Greek fire against the houses all about 
on the square, and began their march to escape, with the 
citizens and a few soldiers, some in buggies and some on 
horseback, in pursuit. Lieutenant Young took the road to 
Shelburne, some eight miles distant, and was beyond reach of 
the pursuers until at Shelburne he reached a bridge over a 
river, on which a team was found crossing with a load of 
hay, for which he was obliged to wait. The pursuers 
approached, when the Confederates halted and opened fire, 
at the same time halting the team and turning it upon the 
bridge set fire to the hay, which fired and destroyed the 



260 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

bridge. The pursuers did not again overtake the Confed- 
erates. Lieutenant Young and his men, however, pushed 
forward and reached the border line of Canada about nine 
o'clock that night. The party at once donned their citizens' 
clothing and abandoned the St. Albans horses on the high- 
way. They then dispersed and proceeded on foot into 
Canada. 

The next forenoon Lieutenant Young learned that several 
of his men had been arrested at Phillipsburg. He at once 
decided that this must necessarily compel him to give himself 
up to the authorities and make the cause of his men his own, 
since he was the commander, and holding a commission and 
the authority for the raid. 

Young stopped at a farm-house, and leaving his revolvers 
in an adjoining room, he sat at the only fire, which was in 
the kitchen, to get warm. To his surprise, about twenty-five 
people from St. Albans, in pursuit of his party, learning 
that there was a stranger in the house, suddenly rushed in 
and reached Young before he could get to his pistols, which 
they secured. They promptly seized him and at once pro- 
ceeded to beat him with the pistols and with swords. 

The American party now started with Young to return to 
St. Albans. They could have killed him, but doubtless 
deemed it important to deliver him alive in St. Albans for 
several reasons. They put Young in an open wagon with 
two men on each side and one in his rear, all in the wagon. 
The men were excited and carried their pistols cocked, 
badgering him with threats to shoot, while they denounced 
him in unmeasured terms. Young, however, continued to 
protest against their proceedings, insisting that they were 
in violation of British neutrality, but they said they did not 
care a d — n for British law or the British nation. The front 
gate was some two hundred feet from the house. The road 
which passed in front of the house led from the United 
States to Phillipsburg. When they reached the gate to pass 
out. Young suddenly knocked the men from each side with 
his arms, seized the reins, and quickly turning the horses. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 261 

drove toward Phillipsbiirg. But his captors, who were 
apparently paralyzed for a moment, soon recovered, and 
pounced upon him with their pistols and swords. In the 
midst of the melee, and fortunately for Young, a British 
officer happened upon the scene. Young told him of his 
character — that of a Confederate officer on British soil and 
entitled to protection, that his captors were Americans who 
proposed to take him without any authority to the United 
States in violation of British neutrality and in defiance of 
British law. 

The British officer reasoned with the Americans for a 
time, who were reluctant to listen to argument or to delay 
their return to St. Albans. The officer, however, told them 
that five others of the raiding party had been arrested and 
were at Phillipsburg, and two at St. Johns, and that all were 
to be sent to St. Albans the next day. Young's captors then 
agreed that the officer should take him under their escort 
to Phillipsburg. Here he found five of his comrades under 
arrest. But it happened that there was no arrangement 
for the Americans or any one else to carry the prisoners back 
to St. Albans. 

That night Lieutenant Young and his five men were 
carried to St. Johns, a distance of about twenty miles, and 
placed in jail. Here a large garrison of British Regulars 
was stationed, who manifested the warmest friendship for 
the prisoners. They went so far as to suggest to Lieutenant 
Young that he and his men might be rescued. They extended 
every courtesy, and the citizens were likewise friendly and 
hospitable to the prisoners. Lieutenant Young and his com- 
rades concluded that it would be unwise now to evade the 
issue and preferred to await their fate in the courts of 
Canada, since their extradition had been demanded by the 
Government of the United States. 

Meanwhile, there was unabated excitement in Vermont 
and consternation among the inhabitants of all the States 
along the Canadian border. 



262 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

After a few days Lieutenant Young and his comrades were 
sent to Montreal under a warrant issued by Judge Charles 
Coursol, police judge of Montreal. The prisoners were con- 
fined in the jail, but received the kindest attention possible 
from the jailer and his family. Indeed, the jailer set aside 
his parlors for the accommodation of the prisoners. They 
were permitted to occupy outside bed-rooms and their meals 
were served in the jailer's family dining-room. There were 
no indignities and none of the restrictions incident to im- 
prisonment in a jail. 

The large number of Southern people who were sojourn- 
ing in Montreal vied with each other in kindness to the pris- 
oners. The citizens of the city were equally conspicuous in 
their manifestations of friendship, sympathy, and courteous 
attentions. 

It was now realized that a great trial and legal battle was 
inevitable. The friends of Lieutenant Young in Montreal 
at once united with the Confederate Commissioners in secur- 
ing the services of all the leading lawyers of this Canadian 
Province. In view of the universal friendship manifested 
for the prisoners, and of the indignation aroused by the inva- 
sion from St. Albans, by the Americans, the best lawyers 
were glad to accept retainers, which in any event would 
enable them to excuse themselves from representing the 
United States. 

Mr. Clay arranged promptly to provide for the proper 
defense of the prisoners. It was soon developed that the 
question would be raised by the United States, that Lieuten- 
ant Young and his men were not Confederate soldiers, and 
that their claims to such a character would be denied. Their 
extradition was demanded for a criminal offense under the 
laws of Vermont. 

The other thirteen men composing Lieutenant Young's 
command on the expedition to St. Albans were not yet 
arrested, and there was now very little disposition among 
the Canadian officials for their apprehension. The kind 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 263 

treatment of the prisoners at Montreal only served to aggra- 
vate and intensify the bitter feeling in the United States. 

The foregoing account of the noted St. Albans raid was 
afterward confirmed by Lieutenant Young and a number of 
his men. 



CHAPTER XXVII 

Plans for revolution at Chicago and New York City — Attempts 
to be made to burn Cincinnati, Philadelphia, and Boston — 
Plans in New York City. 

In reviewing the situation it appeared to Colonel Thomp- 
son, and to Mr. Clay, who was present when Colonel Martin 
and I were called in conference, that the all-important field 
for action must be developed with the cooperation of the 
"Sons of Liberty." The tangible prospects were best for an 
uprising at Chicago and New York. The forces of the "Sons 
of Liberty" were not only organized, but arms had been 
distributed. It had been deemed surest to rely upon the 
attempt to organize a Northwestern Confederacy with 
Chicago as the capital. 

In order to promote the movement Captain Hines, Col. 
St. Leger Grenfel, Colonel Marmaduke, Lieutenant Eastin 
and all the other available Confederates had been selected 
to be in Chicago, under command of Captain Hines, and 
endeavor to carry out plans for the release of the prisoners 
at Camp Douglas and Rock Island, thus forming the nucleus 
for an army of Confederates upon which the "Sons of 
Liberty" were to rally. 

The Presidential election which was to be held on the 8th 
day of November was deemed an opportune time for the 
blow to be struck at Chicago and in New York. Colonel 
Thompson advised us that detachments under Captain 
Churchill in Cincinnati and Dr. Luke Blackburn in Boston 
would set fire to those cities on election day. 

Colonel Thompson referred with confidence to the leader- 
ship and management of Mr. Walsh and Mr. Morris in 
Chicago, and to that of Mr. James A. McMasters, Mr. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 265 

Horton, and Fernando Wood in New York City. He con- 
fided to Colonel Martin the mission to New York. We were 
told that about 20,000 men were enlisted in New York under 
a complete organization; that arms had been provided al- 
ready for the forces in the city, and we would be expected . 
to take military supervision of the forces at the vital moment. 
It was proposed by the New York managers to take posses- 
sion of the city on the afternoon of election day and in order 
to deter opposition a number of fires were to be started in 
the city. The United States Sub-Treasury was to be cap^ 
tured and all other property of the Government. And 
especially we were to release the prisoners at Fort Lafayette 
and unite them with our forces. 

Colonel Thompson told us that he already had an agent. 
Captain Longmire of Missouri, in New York, who was 
charged with the details of the preparations for the execu- 
tion of the plans. 

It was deemed especially important that our presence in 
New York should be known only to a very few persons. And 
no one in Toronto should know our mission except our 
friends Godfrey J, Hyams and W. Larry McDonald. He 
accordingly gave us a letter to Mr. James A. McMasters, 
the editor and proprietor of the Freeman's Journal, which 
informed Mr. McMasters that Colonel Martin, with me as 
second in command, had been given authority for all military 
purposes. Only six others, Capt. Robert Cobb Kennedy of 
Louisiana, Lieuts. John T. Ashbrook and James T. Harring- 
ton of Kentucky, John Price of Maryland, James Chenault 
of Kentucky, and the other I do not remember, were assigned 
with us to operate in New York. 

During this period Colonel Martin and I had secluded 
ourselves as much as possible in Toronto in order that we 
might not attract the special attention of the detectives of 
the Washington Government. This was also the policy of 
the other young soldiers who accompanied us on this 
enterprise. 



266 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

It was arranged that we should arrive in New York about 
ten days before the election and become familiar with the 
streets and localities of the city. 

The party of eight members left Toronto and reached New 
York safely by traveling in pairs, though we all went on the 
same train by the New York Central Railroad from the 
Suspension Bridge. Martin and I traveled together and 
stopped at the St. Denis Hotel, on the northwest corner of 
Broadway and Eleventh street. We registered under the 
names of Robert Maxwell and John Williams. Ashbrook 
and Harrington stopped at the Metropolitan Hotel. I do 
not now remember the stopping places of the others. How- 
ever, I considered it safer, after a few days, to separate 
entirely as to lodging places, and secured a furnished room 
on the north side of Union Square about the middle of the 
first block going up Broadway. Martin and I had checks for 
our trunks, which were still in the baggage-room at the 
depot. It was Friday when we called on Mr, McMasters at 
his office and presented our letter of introduction. He 
received us cordially and said he had a note by mail from 
Colonel Thompson to the same effect without giving names. 
We agreed that it would be wise for us and him to meet 
elsewhere as a rule. His office was considered too public a 
place for our conferences. He accordingly designated a place 
for us to go on Saturday and meet himself and Captain Long- 
mire. At this meeting we simply got acquainted, but made 
an appointment with Longmire at another place for Mon- 
day and accepted the invitation of Mr. McMasters to spend 
Sunday at his residence. 

We found Mr. McMasters to be a determined and very 
able man and a true friend. He was a strong character in all 
respects. Physically he was of large proportions without 
much flesh. I would say he was at least 6 feet 3 inches in 
height, with a large frame, hands and feet. His face was 
large with a receding but broad forehead. He was bald in 
front, with brown hair and eagle eyes, and a large rather 
Roman nose. His voice was strong. Everything about him 
denoted strength of intellect as well as body. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 267 

Our plans were discussed after dinner during the entire 
afternoon. Mr. McMasters was the practical head of the 
operations in New York, though in the background and not 
expected to perform an active part in the proposed uprising. 
He might be designated chief manager of leaders. He went 
into details as to the organization, which appeared to be 
perfect, and we assured him that he could rely upon us for 
open, bold, and unflinching action when the hour arrived for 
crucial duty. It was determined that a number of fires 
should be started in different parts of the city, which would 
bring the population to the streets and prevent any sort of 
resistance to our movement. To facilitate this part of the 
programme he said a supply of Greek fire was being made 
and Captain Longmire was looking after that arrangement. 
He wanted the Confederates to put that part of the plan 
into execution, while the New York commanders of their 
forces would not only take possession of the city and all 
the approaches, but furnish the strength to support the mili- 
tary authorities. The city authorities were our friends. In 
parting, late that afternoon, Mr. McMasters told us he would 
request Governor Seymour to send a confidential agent down 
to the city with whom he wished us to confer. It was under- 
stood that the Governor would not use the militia to suppress 
the insurrection in the city but would leave that duty to the 
authorities at Washington. Indeed, we were to have the 
support of the Governor's official neutrality. We were also 
told that upon the success of the revolution here a convention 
of delegates from New York, New Jersey, and the New 
England States would be held in New York City to form a 
Confederacy which would cooperate with the Confederate 
States and Northwestern Confederacy. 

Mr. McMasters agreed to send for us when he heard from 
Albany. On the next Thursday morning a messenger came 
for us and in the afternoon we went singly to the Freeman's 
Journal ofifice, where we were locked in the private office and 
introduced to the Governor's private secretary. We were 
assured that our expectations would be lived up to by the 
Governor and we could prosecute our plans accordingly. 



268 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

W. Larry McDonald, who was an intimate counselor of 
Colonel Thompson at Toronto, had written his brother 
Henry W. McDonald to assist us in every way. He pro- 
posed to secrete our trunks in his wholesale piano store. No. 
73 Franklin avenue. We gave him our checks and he had 
the trunks hauled from the depot. We could go there occa- 
sionally to get out articles and to put away others we would 
not need. Our trunks were there for safety and convenience, 
as we expected to change our location frequently. 

It was a period of enjoyment and recreation in most 
respects. I made the most of the opportunity and visited all 
the theaters and points of interest about the city. Among 
other entertainments I remember especially attending the 
lecture of Artemus Ward at Wood's Theater on Broadway 
opposite the St. Nicholas Hotel. Colonel Martin and I went 
over to Brooklyn one Sunday night and heard the sermon 
of Henry Ward Beecher. The meetings at Tammany Hall 
were of particular interest in the closing week of the Presi- 
dential campaign. We heard all the celebrities of the Wig- 
wam deliver addresses. But the climax was reached when a 
monster torchlight procession was formed to march the full 
length of Broadway, which was reviewed by General George 
B. McClellan from the balcony of the Fifth Avenue Hotel. 
Martin and I were on hand early and circulated through the 
surging politicians who thronged the corridors and upper 
hall of the hotel. McClellan was the idol of the great as- 
semblages in New York, though the Republican demonstra- 
tions in favor of Mr. Lincoln were equally enthusiastic. 

After we had surveyed the scene inside of the Fifth 
Avenue Hotel, Martin and I went into the great crowd which 
filled Madison Square. Rostrums had been erected for out- 
door speakers. Among these James T. Brady had been 
announced, and we watched for his appearance, when we 
pushed our way to a position near his stand and listened to 
his address. He was regarded as the foremost public man 
in New York who openly criticised the conduct of the war. 
He used strong language on this occasion. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 269 

The procession began to pass about 8.30 o'clock, coming 
up Broadway, and continued until i o'clock in the morn- 
ing. It was not uncommon to hear hisses and groans for 
Lincoln from the ranks, and the President was caricatured 
in many ludicrous and ungainly pictures. Indeed, there was 
a vicious sentiment voiced all along the line of the procession 
against the draft and every one connected with the man- 
agement of the war. The spirit of revolt was manifest and 
it only needed a start and a leadership. 

But, as usual, some few days before the election all the 
New York papers announced the arrival of 10,000 soldiers 
and of Ma j. -Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, who not only assumed 
command but issued a proclamation in which it appeared 
that he proposed to deal with any disorders that might occur 
to disturb the public peace, and hinted that he had some 
information of disloyal movements. 

Formal notice of arrival of General Butler was given as 
follows : 

New York, November 4, 1864. 
General Orders No. 86. 

Maj.-Gen. Benjamin F. Butler having been assigned to duty 
in this department, will take command of the troops which are 
arriving and which will be put in service in the State of New 
York subject to his orders. 

By command of Major-General Dix : 

Charles Temple Dix, 

Major and A. A. G. 

General Butler first stopped at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, 
where Colonel Martin was then staying, but moved to the 
Hoffman House, where he and his staff occupied twelve 
rooms on the first floor. Of General Butler's arrival the 
Nezv York Times said : 

The wisdom of the Government in selecting the man who had 
scattered the howling rabble of New Orleans like chaff, and 
reduced that city to order most serene, approved itself to the 
conscience of every patriot and made Copperheads squirm and 
writhe in torture. 



270 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Malcontents, if such there be, dare not resort to extremes. 
They will be met at every point. A strong military force is 
already disposed to nip all disorders in the bud. 

There has been widespread and ineffaceable dread that rebel 
emissaries would seize the exciting- time of a general election 
to put in execution the villainous threats recently made by 
Richmond papers of laying New York, Buffalo, and other 
Northern cities in ashes, etc. 

The leaders in our conspiracy were at once demoralized 
by this sudden advent of General Butler and his troops. They 
felt that he must be aware of their purposes and many of 
them began to fear arrest, while others were defiant. 
Among the latter were Mr. Horton of the Day Book, Mr. 
Brooks of the Express, and many others. However, Mr. 
McMasters sent for us and expressed his fears that our plans 
could not be carried to consummation. He appeared anxious 
to stem the effects of the arrival of troops but said we could 
not afford to make a failure. The next day, November 7th, 
he reported that at a conference of the leaders it was de- 
cided to postpone action. 

Martin and I could only deal through Mr. McMasters, 
who was really the head or chief counselor, and we realized 
that he had agreed with the others that an attempt to seize 
and hold possession of the city on the day of the election 
would be a failure. We could do nothing but acquiesce in the 
views of the New York management. However, we were 
assured that the delay was only temporary, and it was con- 
tended that after the election, if all passed off quietly, then 
the troops would depart. But to increase the existing fears 
of our friends, the papers, on the morning before the election 
and also the next morning, announced the arrest of a number 
of our friends at Chicago and of a number of the leaders in 
Chicago of the "Sons of Liberty," who were to cooperate 
with Hines and his men. It looked as if that expedition had 
failed already. 

Mr. Lincoln was duly elected over McClellan and Andrew 
Johnson of Tennessee was elected Vice-President. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 271 

It was not an unexpected result to us and it served in a 
measure to increase the popular alarm and opposition to the 
draft. The manifestation of this feeling had the effect as 
we thought to continue the Federal garrison in New York. 
We watched General Butler daily, hoping for his departure, 
but it began to look as if he and his troops had come to stay. 

The next morning after the election we saw from the 
papers that nothing had occurred in any other city. We pre- 
sumed that the same difficulties had existed in all the cities. 
Our New York friends were still unable to agree upon an 
auspicious day for action. 

We did not reproach ourselves, however, as the proposed 
uprising at Chicago had not materialized. The feints at 
Boston, Philadelphia, and Cincinnati were likewise not 
attempted. We had no explanation of all the failures and 
Mr. McMasters cited those other plans along with ours and 
justified our failure as being consistent with the others. 
However, we had told Colonel Thompson he could expect to 
hear from us in New York, no matter what might be done 
in the other cities. He seemed to approve our determina- 
tion and hoped for no more failures, and especially now 
when our last card was to be played. 

But the more we insisted on the attempt in New York the 
weaker Mr. McMasters became. Captain Longmire was 
equally anxious with us to make the attempt at all hazards. 
We tried to get an agreement for Thanksgiving Day, but 
Butler still occupied the city and our cause had not gained 
headway in the Confederacy. Finally, after repeated in- 
terviews Mr. McMasters decided to withdraw from an}'- 
further connection with the proposed revolution when it was 
foredoomed to failure. This left us practically at sea. Cap- 
tain Longmire at the last moment became discouraged, when 
we announced our purpose to set the city on fire and give 
the people a scare if nothing else, and let the Government at 
Washington understand that burning homes in the South 
might find a counterpart in the North. Longmire concluded 
to go out in the country and stay until our sensation was 



272 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

over. He gave me the number of the house in Washington 
Place where the Greek fire had been made. Also the name 
and personal description of the old man I would meet when 
I went for it. I Avas told all the charges had been paid. On 
the night before we had determined to strike the blow our 
party of Confederates met up town and arranged our final 
plans. The duty of going after the Greek fire was considered 
rather a dangerous mission under the circumstances, but I 
was selected to go. I found the place was in a basement on 
the west side of Washington Place. The heavy-built old man 
I met wore a long beard all over his face. All I had to do 
was to tell him that Captain Longmire had sent me for his 
valise. He handed it over the counter to me without saying 
a word. I turned and departed with the same silence. The 
leather valise was about two and a half feet long and heavy. 
I had to change hands every ten steps to carry it. No car- 
riage was in sight. I had not expected the valise to be so 
heavy. But I reached the City Hall Square with it safely 
and boarded a street car which started there for Central Park, 
going up Bowery street. The car was crowded and I had 
to put the valise in front of me on the floor in the passway, 
as the seats ran full length on each side of the car. I soon 
began to smell a peculiar odor — a little like rotten eggs — 
and I noticed the passengers were conscious of the same 
presence. But I sat unconcerned until my getting off place 
was reached, when I took up the valise and went out. I 
heard a passenger say as I alighted, "There must be some- 
thing dead in that valise." When I lugged it into our cot- 
tage the boys were waiting and glad of my safe return. I 
was given the key with the valise and opened it at once with 
some curiosity to investigate the contents. None of the 
party knew anything about Greek fire, except that the mo- 
ment it was exposed to the air it would blaze and burn every- 
thing it touched. We found it to be a liquid resembling 
water. It was put up in four-ounce bottles securely sealed. 
There were twelve dozen bottles in the valise. We were now 
ready to create a sensation in New York. It had been agreed 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 273 

that our fires would be started in the hotels, so as to do the 
greatest damage in the business district on Broadway. The 
eight members of our party had each taken a room at three 
or four hotels. In doing this we would buy a black glazed 
satchel for $i.oo and put an overcoat in it for baggage. The 
room at each hotel was used enough to show that it was being 
occupied. In leaving, of course the overcoat would be worn 
and the satchel left behind empty. 

It was agreed that our operations should begin promptly 
at 8 o'clock p. m., so that the guests of hotels might all 
escape, as we did not want to destroy any lives. 

We separated to meet at the same place the next evening 
at 6 o'clock, and then, as Captain Kennedy remarked to me, 
"We'll make a spoon or spoil a horn." 



CHAPTER XXVIII 

Confederates attempt to burn business section of New York 
City — Escape to Canada. 

At 6 o'clock promptly on the evening of November 25, 
1864, our party met in our cottage headquarters, two failing 
to report. 

The bottles of Greek fire having been wrapped in paper 
were put in our coat pockets. Each man took ten bottles. 
It was agreed that after our operations were over we should 
secrete ourselves and meet here the next night at 6 o'clock 
to compare notes and agree on further plans. 

I had rooms at the Astor House, City Hotel, Everett 
House, and the United States Hotel. Colonel Martin occu- 
pied rooms at the Hoffman, Fifth Avenue, St. Denis, and 
two others. Lieutenant Ashbrook was at the St. Nicholas, 
La Farge, and several others. Altogether nineteen hotels 
were fired, namely: Hoffman House, Fifth Avenue, St. 
Denis, St. James, La Farge, St. Nicholas, Metropolitan, 
Howard, Tammany, Brandreth's, Gramercy Park, Hanford, 
New England, Belmont, Lovejoy's, City Hotel, Astor, 
United States, and Everett. 

I reached the Astor House at 7.20 o'clock, got rny key, and 
went to my room in the top story. It was the lower corner 
front room on Broadway. After lighting the gas jet I hung 
the bedclothes loosely on the headboard and piled the chairs, 
drawers of the bureau and washstand on the bed. Then 
stuffed some newspapers about among the mass and poured 
a bottle of turpentine over it all. I concluded to unlock my 
door and fix the key on the outside, as I might have to get 
out in a hurry, for I did not know whether the Greek fire 
v/ould make a noise or not. I opened a bottle carefully and 




RoBEKT M. Martin 
1866 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 275 

quickly and spilled it on the pile of rubbish. It blazed up 
instantly and the whole bed seemed to be in flames before I 
could get out. I locked the door and walked down the hall 
and stairway to the office, which was fairly crowded with 
people. I left the key at the office as usual and passed out. 

Across at the City Hotel I proceeded in the same manner. 
Then in going down to the Everett House I looked over at 
my room in the Astor House. A bright light appeared with- 
in but there were no indications below of any alarm. After 
getting through at the Everett House I started to the United 
States Hotel, when the fire bells began to ring up town. I 
got through at the United States Hotel without trouble, but 
in leaving my key the clerk, I thought, looked at me a little 
curiously. It occurred to me that it had been discovered 
that my satchel had no baggage in it and that perhaps the 
clerk had it in mind to mention the fact. 

As I came back to Broadway it seemed that a hundred 
bells were ringing, great crowds were gathering on the street, 
and there was general consternation. I concluded to go and 
see how my fires were doing. There was no panic at the 
Astor House, but to my surprise a great crowd was pouring 
out of Barnum's Museum nearly opposite the Astor. It was 
now a quarter after nine o'clock by the City Hall tower clock. 
Presently the alarm came from the City Hotel and the 
Everett. The surging crowds were frantic. But the greatest 
panic was at Barnum's Museum. People were coming out 
and down ladders from the second and third floor windows 
and the manager was crying out for help to get his animals 
out. It looked like people were getting hurt running over 
each other in the stampede, and still I could not help some 
astonishment for I did not suppose there was a fire in the 
Museum. 

In accordance with our plan I went down Broadway and 
turned across to the North River wharf. The vessels and 
barges of every description were lying along close together 
and not more than twenty yards from the street. I picked 
dark spots to stand in, and jerked a bottle in six different 



276 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

places. They were ablaze before I left. One had struck a 
barge of baled hay and made a big fire. There were wild 
scenes here the last time I looked back. I started straight 
for the City Hall. 

There was still a crowd around the Astor House and 
everywhere, but I edged through and crossed over to the City 
Hall, where I caught a car just starting up town. I got off 
on Bowery street opposite the Metropolitan Hotel to go 
across and see how Ashbrook and Harrington had succeeded. 
After walking half a square I observed a man walking ahead 
of me and recognized him. It was Captain Kennedy. I 
closed up behind him and slapped him on the shoulder. He 
squatted and began to draw his pistol, but I laughed and he 
knew me. He laughed and said he ought to shoot me for 
giving him such a scare. 

We soon related to each other our experience. Kennedy 
said that after he touched off his hotels he concluded to go 
down to Barnum's Museum and stay until something turned 
up, but had only been there a few minutes when alarms began 
to ring all over the city. He decided to go out, and coming 
down the stairway it happened tO be clear at a turn and the 
idea occurred to him that there would be fun to start a 
scare. He broke a bottle of Greek fire, he said, on the edge 
of a step like he would crack an egg. It blazed up and he got 
out to witness the result. He had been down there in the 
crowd ever since and the fires at the Astor House and the 
City Hotel had both been put out. But he had listened Lo 
the talk of the people and heard the opinion expressed gen- 
erally that rebels were in the city to destroy it. He thought 
our presence must be known. Harrington had broken a 
bottle in the Metropolitan Theater at 8 o'clock, just after he 
fired the Metropolitan Hotel adjoining; and Ashbrook had 
done likewise in Niblo's Garden Theater adjoining the La 
Farge Hotel. 

We went into the crowd on Broadway and stopped at 
those places to see what had happened. There was the 
wildest excitement imaginable. There was all sorts of talk 





John W. Headley 

1865 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 277 

about hanging the rebels to lamp posts or burning them at 
the stake. Still we discovered that all was surmise appar- 
ently. So far as we could learn the programme had been 
carried out, but it appeared that all had made a failure. It 
seemed to us that there was something wrong with our Greek 
fire. 

All had observed that the fires had been put out in all the 
places as easily as any ordinary fire. We came to the con- 
clusion that Longmire and his manufacturing chemist had 
put up a job on us after it was found that we could not be 
dissuaded from our purpose. 

Martin and I got together as agreed and found lodging 
about 2 o'clock. We did not awake until lo o'clock next 
day. We went into a restaurant on Broadway near Twelfth 
street for breakfast. It was crowded, but every one was 
reading a newspaper. After giving our order we got the 
Herald, World, Tribune, and Times, and to our surprise the 
entire front pages were given up to sensational accounts of 
the attempt to burn the city. It was plainly pointed out that 
rebels were at the head of the incendiary work, and quite a 
list of names was given of parties who had been arrested. 
All our fictitious names registered at the different hotels were 
given and interviews with the clerks described us all. The 
clerk of the United States Hotel especially gave a minute 
description of my personal appearance, clothing, manners 
and actions. He said I did not eat a meal at the hotel, though 
I had been there two days as a guest, and had nothing in my 
black satchel. 

It was stated in the papers that the authorities had a full 
knowledge of the plot and the ring-leaders would be cap- 
tured during the day. One paper said the baggage of two 
of them had been secured, and all avenues of escape being 
guarded the villains were sure to be caught, the detectives 
having a full knowledge of the rebels and their haunts. 

As soon as we finished breakfast we slipped out and took 
a car on Bowery street for Central Park. Here we loafed, 
and read the afternoon papers, which indicated that they 



278 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

had some knowledge of our crowd, although from arrests 
that had been made we thought the authorities were on a 
cold trail. 

We left the park at 4 o'clock in the afternoon to go 
down town and get supper and see what appeared in the extra 
editions which were being issued. As we reached Union 
Square Martin suggested that he would get out at Mc- 
Donald's piano store and see about our baggage, while I 
would go on and order supper at a favorite restaurant on 
Fourteenth street, by the time he arrived. The car was 
halted in front of McDonald's ; Martin got off and started in 
— there being two steps to ascend from the pavement to the 
entrance, which was a vestibule. I noticed Miss Katie Mc- 
Donald, the daughter of our friend, standing at a front 
window looking out, and the moment she saw Colonel Mar- 
tin she shuddered, and putting her hand, palm outward, be- 
fore her face motioned him away. Martin saw the warning 
and turned instantly, running to overtake our car. I halted it 
and he came in, looking pale. He sat down without saying 
a word but looked back casually. 

When we reached the restaurant he told me that he saw 
a big crowd in McDonald's store, just as Miss McDonald 
gave him the sign and a look of horror. The last issue of 
the Evening Post gave such particulars as to almost desig- 
nate our crowd. The account said two had been arrested 
and the police were close after the others, with every pros- 
pect of securing the whole party. It stated that the plot of 
these rebels had been divulged to the authorities a month 
before by a man from Canada, but on condition that he was 
to receive one hundred thousand dollars for his information. 
The authorities at Washington were willing to pay the price 
provided the man could prove in any way that his story was 
true. It appeared so ridiculous that the authorities did not 
want to part with the money unless they received straight 
goods. They finally agreed that the rebels should be pointed 
out to detectives, who would follow us and investigate the 
case, and, if the story was genuine, the money would be 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 279 

paid. It Stated that the detectives had been going with us 
all over the city and related how we had spent our time. But 
they had finally abandoned us as a lot of well-behaved young 
men who seemed to be simply enjoying ourselves, and they 
had never been able to trace us to any of the places where 
we would be supposed to go i£ we had any connection with 
the New York "Sons of Liberty" who were under surveil- 
lance. None of us was known in Canada as having ever been 
engaged in any raid. 

While our betrayer knew the facts he was unable to con- 
vince the authorities. It happened that we had never been 
about any one but McMasters and McDonald, and we did 
not go to see McMasters but once after the detectives were 
put on our track; and were in McDonald's store only twice. 
It appeared that the authorities had only given us up and 
refused to trade with our betrayer a few days before we 
started the fires. 

Colonel Martin and I decided before leaving the restau- 
rant that we had better meet our companions and arrange a 
plan to get out of New York and back into Canada. At 6 
o'clock we reached our cottage, and soon to our delight the 
other boys put in an appearance. All had calculated that 
some of the others had surely been arrested. All approved 
the suggestion that we had better escape from the city at 
once if possible. We found that a train left on the New 
York Central Railroad at ii o'clock p. m., and that the 
sleepers were open for passengers at 9 o'clock. After dis- 
cussing a number of plans it was decided that we would go 
and get in that sleeper the moment it was opened. As I re- 
member now only two of the party had secured their baggage. 

Our first trouble developed when we came to buy tickets. 
We did not like the idea of approaching the waiting-room. 
However, we went direct from the cottage to the depot and 
found that tickets could be bought at 8 o'clock. Two of the 
party who had boarded on a secluded street and were not 
well known in Toronto ventured to buy the tickets and suc- 
ceeded. We slipped into the sleeping-car at 9 o'clock. We 



280 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

believed anyhow that all the policemen could not have a 
knowledge of us and our greatest fear was from detectives. 
We retired at once in our berths, but did not undress, and 
kept a close watch out the windows until the time of depar- 
ture. When the train backed into the station and back to the 
sleeper there was a great crowd about the station and a num- 
ber of men occasionally chatting, that we felt sure were 
detectives. They scrutinized every passenger tliat entered 
the train. We had examined the rear of our car and found 
a way to get out in case of a fight and a chase. 

Colonel Martin had said to me that in case they came on 
to search for us he would open the ball and we would fight 
out, with a chance to get mixed in the crowd and escape back 
into the city. I supposed he had told the others the same 
plan. 

But to our great relief the train pulled out on time. Still, 
we had a fear that a force might be on board to search the 
train before we reached any outside stations. However, we 
lay in waiting for more than an hour, when we felt safe and 
undressed for much-needed rest and sleep.- 

We could only get tickets to Albany, which was the desti- 
nation of this train. The next day was Sunday and no trains 
ran from Albany to Niagara or Suspension Bridge on Sun- 
day. We arrived at Albany about 6 o'clock Sunday morn- 
ing and scattered among the hotels, where we spent the day 
in our rooms. In the evening we took a sleeper on the 
through train and crossed over the Suspension Bridge into 
Canada before morning. We arrived at Toronto in the aft- 
ernoon. That night Colonel Martin and I gave a full ac- 
count of our operations in New York City to Colonel Jacob 
Thompson, upon whose orders the enterprise had been 
undertaken. 

It is fair to all concerned to record the fact here that TEN 
DAYS BEFORE THIS ATTEMPT OF CONFEDER- 
ATES TO BURN NEW YORK CITY, GENERAL 
SHERMAN HAD BURNED THE CITY OF AT- 
LANTA, GEORGIA, AND THE NORTHERN PA- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 281 

PERS AND PEOPLE OF THE WAR PARTY WERE 
IN GREAT GLEE OVER THE MISERIES OF THE 
SOUTHERN PEOPLE. I heard them talk every day in 
New York, in restaurants, hotels and on the streets. A fair 
expression of the feeling which prevailed is recorded by Gen- 
eral Sherman himself. He says : 

About 7 a. m. of November i6th (1864) we rode out of 
Atlanta by the Decatur road, filled by the marching troops and 
wagons of the 14th Corps; and reaching the hill, just outside 
of the old rebel works, we naturally paused to look back upon 
the scenes of our past battles. We stood upon the very ground 
whereon was fought the bloody battle of July 22d, and could 
see the copse of wood where McPherson fell. BEHIND US 
LAY ATLANTA, SMOULDERING AND IN RUINS, the 
black smoke rising high in air, and hanging like a pall over the 
RUINED CITY. 

Some band, by accident, struck up the anthem of "John 
Brown's soul goes marching on" ; the men caught up the strain, 
and never before or since have I heard the chorus of "GLORY, 
GLORY, HALLELUJAH" DONE WITH MORE SPIRIT, 
OR IN BETTER HARMONY OF TIME AND PLACE. 

It was developed that Mr. Godfrey J. Hyams of Little 
Rock, Arkansas, was the traitor or spy in our camp. He 
was a very smart fellow and had managed to establish the 
closest confidential relations with Colonel Thompson. He 
had known all the particulars of our mission before we 
started to New York. 

All could now understand how the other expeditions had 
been betrayed. There had always been a mystery about the 
betrayal of Captain Cole at Sandusky; and others at Chicago, 
Boston and Cincinnati. 

We found that Hyams had been mysteriously absent from 
Toronto. He returned the day after we arrived, but quickly 
discovered that he was getting a cold reception and quietly 
left Toronto. 

The New York papers continued to report discoveries 
and the proceedings of the authorities. Mr. Horton, editor 



282 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

and proprietor of the Day Book, and Mr. Henry W. Mc- 
Donald were among those arrested. A reward of twenty- 
five thousand dollars was offered for the incendiaries. 

Miss Katie McDonald and a brother of Mr. Horton came 
over to Toronto at once to solicit financial aid from Colonel 
Thompson for the defense of McDonald and Horton, but 
more especially to secure sworn testimony that neither was 
connected in any way, by knowledge or act, with our attempt 
to burn New York. Everything was furnished that would 
help their cases and they were eventually released. 

Two days after our arrival in Toronto, Colonel Thomp- 
son came to my boarding-house one very cold night in a 
snow-storm to tell me that a number of detectives from New 
York had arrived in Toronto and were stopping at the 
Queen's Hotel. Mr. Horton had recognized several of them 
and they had casually inquired for Martin and me, Ashbrook 
and Kennedy, of a gentleman who happened to be our friend. 
He reported to Colonel Thompson. Colonel Thompson ad- 
vised that we seclude ourselves as there was danger of a 
requisition from the Washington authorities for our arrest 
and extradition. 

W. Larry McDonald rented a small cottage in the suburbs 
of the city and furnished it plainly. I went to stay with him. 
We were joined by Charles C. Hemming, my young Con- 
federate friend from Jacksonville, Florida, for whom I had 
formed a strong attachment upon my arrival at Toronto. 
We did our own house-keeping and cooking, and did not 
venture to visit the hotels or other public places. All the 
prominent actors in any previous expedition either secluded 
themselves in the city or in the country. 

Meanwhile, at the suggestion of Colonel Thompson it was 
deemed advisable that we retain Hon. John McDonald as 
counsel in the event of a requisition, as he was friendly to 
our cause and was regarded as a very eminent lawyer. One 
evening after supper Colonel Martin called for me and we 
rode in a sleigh to the residence of Mr. McDonald in the 
suburbs of Toronto, He greeted us cordially and we dis- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 283 

cussed our case fully until a late hour. The arrangement 
was made and a retainer fee was paid the following day. 
But it happened that the time never arrived when his serv- 
ices were required. 



CHAPTER XXIX 

Northwestern Confederacy vanishes — Plans exposed at Chicago 
— Arrest of leaders — General report of Thompson upon all 
operations — Failure conceded — Judge Buckner S. Morris and 
Col. Vincent Marmaduke acquitted — R. T. Semmes and 
Charles Walsh sentenced to penitentiary — Col. George St. 
Leger Grenfel sentenced to be hung. 

Colonel Thompson told us the story of the expedition to 
Chicago under Captain Hines and of the flattering prospects 
of success until they were betrayed. Not only the release of 
8,000 prisoners confined at Camp Douglas, but the success- 
ful uprising of the "Sons of Liberty," and the establishment 
of the Northwestern Confederacy, seemed assured. 

Two days before the day of the election the Federal garri- 
son was increased, and the commander being fully advised 
he proceeded to capture the Confederates at their boarding 
places. Hines, Eastin and many others escaped. A number 
of leading commanders of the "Sons of Liberty" at Chicago 
were arrested and all these parties were now confined in 
prison. 

The report of the Federal commander at Chicago will 
give a fair account of the situation and of his action in 
making arrests. It was as follows : 



Headquarters Post, Camp Douglas, 

Chicago, Illinois, November 23, 1864. 
Brig.-Gen. James B. Fry, 

Provost-Marshal-General, Washington, D. C. 

General: About the ist of November another expedition 

of like character was organized in Canada, to be commanded by 

Captain Hines and composed of the same elements as that which 

had failed at the time of the Chicago convention. It was deter- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 285 

mined that the attempt should be made about the period of the 
Presidential election, and the night of that day was finally 
designated as the time when the plot should be executed. 
During the canvass which preceded the election the Sons of 
Liberty (a secret organization within and beyond all doubt 
unknown to the better portion and majority of the Democratic 
party) had caused it to be widely proclaimed and believed that 
there was an intention on the part of the Government, and great 
danger that such intention would be carried into effect, to inter- 
fere by military force at the polls against the Democratic party, 
as an excuse under which to arm themselves as individuals, and 
had also obtained and concealed at different places in this city, 
arms and ammunition for themselves and the rebel prisoners of 
war when they should be released. On the evening of the 5th 
day of November it was reported that a large number of persons 
of suspicious character had arrived in the city from Fayette and 
Christian counties, in Illinois, and that more were coming. On 
Sunday, the 6th day of November, late in the afternoon, it 
became evident that the city was filling up with suspicious 
characters, some of whom were escaped prisoners of war and 
soldiers of the rebel army ; that Captain Hines, Colonel Grenfel, 
and Colonel Marmaduke were here to lead ; and that Brigadier- 
General Walsh, of the Sons of Liberty, had ordered large num- 
bers of the members of that order from southern portions of 
Illinois to cooperate with them. Adopting measures which 
proved effective to detect the presence and identify the persons 
of the officers and leaders and ascertain their plans, it was mani- 
fest that they had the means of gathering a force considerably 
larger than the little garrison then guarding between 8,000 and 
9,000 prisoners of war at Camp Douglas, and that taking advan- 
tage of the excitement and the large number of persons who 
would ordinarily fill the streets on election night, they intended 
to make a night attack on and surprise this camp, release and 
arm the prisoners of war, cut the telegraph wires, burn the rail- 
road depots, seize the banks and stores containing arms and 
ammunition, take possession of the city, and commence a cam- 
paign for the release of other prisoners of war in the States of 
Illinois and Indiana, thus organizing an army to effect and give 
success to the general uprising so long contemplated by the Sons 
of Liberty. The whole number of troops for duty at Camp 
Douglas on that day were as follows : Eighth Regiment Veteran 
Reserve Corps, Lieut. -Col. Lewis C. Skinner commanding, 273 ; 
Fifteenth Regiment Veteran Reserve Corps, Lieut. -Col. Martin 
Flood commanding, 377; total infantry, 650; Twenty-fourth 



286 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Ohio Battery, Lieut. James M. Gamble, 146; making a total of 
796 to guard 8,352 prisoners of war confined in the garrison 
square at this camp by a fence constructed of inch boards twelve 
feet high. 

The election was to take place on Tuesday, the 8th, two days 
thereafter. 

By deferring action till the night of Monday, the 7th instant, 
probably all the officers and leaders and many more of the men 
and arms of the expedition might have been captured, and more 
home rebels exposed, but such delay would have protracted the 
necessary movements and attending excitement into the very 
day of the Presidential election. The great interests involved 
would scarcely justify taking the inevitable risks of postpone- 
ment. Sending a despatch, dated 8.30 p. m., November 6th, by 
messenger over the railroad, to Brig.-Gen. John Cook, com- 
manding District of Illinois, a copy of which, numbered i, is 
annexed to and made a part of this report, the following arrests 
were made that night : Col. G. St. Leger Grenfel and J. T. 
Shenks, an escaped prisoner of war, at the Richmond House; 
Col. Vincent Marmaduke, at the house of Dr. E. W. Edwards, 
No. 70 Adams street ; Brig.-Gen. Charles Walsh, of the Sons 
of Liberty ; Captain Cantrill of Morgan's command, and Charles 
Travers, rank unknown, probably an officer under an assumed 
name, at the house of General Walsh ; Judge Buckner S. Morris, 
treasurer of the Sons of Liberty, at his house, No. 6 Washington 
street ; also capturing at the same time, in Walsh's house, about 
thirty rods from Camp Douglas, arms and ammunition as per 
annexed schedule, numbered 2. The shotguns were all loaded 
with cartridges, composed of 9 to 12 largest size buckshot, and 
capped; the revolvers (Joslyn's patent, lo-inch barrel) also 
loaded and capped. Reported to Brig.-Gen. John Cook, com- 
manding District of Illinois, and Col. William Hofifman, com- 
missary-general of prisoners, by telegraph despatch, dated Camp 
Douglas, November 7, at 4 a. m., a copy of which is hereto 
annexed, numbered 3, and made a part of this report. On the 
morning of Monday, the 7th instant. Col. John L. Hancock, 
commanding militia, by order of Governor Yates, reported to 
me, and Col. R. M. Hough rapidly organized a mounted force, 
of about 250, which was armed with the revolvers captured from 
Walsh, reported and was assigned to duty as patrols in the city 
of Chicago, remaining on duty till the morning of the 9th. 
Captain Bjerg. military provost-marshal First District of 
Illinois, the police of the city, and various detachments of the 
garrison, under different officers, arrested during the day and 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 287 

night of the 7th instant 106 bushwhackers, g-uerrillas and rebel 
soldiers, among them many of the notorious Clingman gang of 
Fayette and Christian counties, in this State, and with their 
Captain, Sears, and Lieutenant, Garland, all of whom are now 
in custody at Camp Douglas. 

On the nth of November 47 double-barreled shotguns, 30 
Allen's patent breech-loading carbines, and i Enfield rifle were 
seized at Walsh's barn, in city of Chicago. Finding from 
investigation that the Sons of Liberty in this city continued to 
meet and plot, on the night of Sunday, the 13th of November, 
Patrick Dooley, secretary of the Temple in this city, was 
arrested, and such papers as had not been destroyed, some of 
them valuable, as showing the intents and purposes of the 
organization, seized. On the night of Monday, November 14th, 
the following named persons, members of the Sons of Liberty, 
were arrested, viz : Obadiah Jackson, grand senior ; Charles W. 
Patten, member of State Council ; William Felton, tyler or door- 
keeper ; James Gearry, a dangerous member ; Richard T. 
Semmes, nephew of Pirate Semmes ; Dr. E. W. Edwards, who 
harbored Colonel Marmaduke ; all of whom remain in custody. 

On the 15th instant a young Englishman from Canada, under 
British protection papers, named Mongham, was arrested, who 
proved to be a messenger between Jacob Thompson, Captain 
Hines, Brigadier-General Walsh, and the guerrilla, Colonel 
Jesse, of Kentucky. 

An examination of many of the persons so arrested shows, 
beyond all doubt, that the Sons of Liberty is a treasonable, 
widely extended, and powerful organization, branching into 
almost if not all the counties of the State ; that it is an organiza- 
tion of two branches, one civil, the other military ; the members 
of the civil being on probation for the military branch ; that 
important secrets in relation to military plans and the location 
of the depots of arms were carefully guarded from persons of 
civil membership, though they even well knew that the organi- 
zation had such depots, and was animated with a spirit of intense 
hostility to the Government ; that many of the leaders must have 
known of the intended attack on this camp and city ; and that 
some of them have actually been in consultation, face to face, 
with men who they knew to be rebel officers conspiring to pro- 
duce a revolution in the Northwest. 

A schedule is hereto attached, numbered 4, which is believed 
to contain the names of some of the leading and most dangerous 
men belonging to this organization in the several counties in the 
State of Illinois. 



288 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

I respectfully recommend that the officers of the rebel army, 
and as many of the Sons of Liberty and guerrillas above men- 
tioned as the interests of the Government may require, be tried 
before a military commission and punished. 

;)< :|{ :f; >1: >i; H< * 

I have the honor to be, General, very respectfully. 
Your obedient servant, 

B. J. Sweet, 
Colonel Eighth Regiment Veteran Reserve Corps, Commanding 
Post. 

Golonel Thompson was at this time greatly discouraged 
over the prospects for retaliation upon the North or releasing 
our prisoners of war. Since all the enterprises and expedi- 
tions had failed, on account of the treachery of Hyams, or his 
successful work as a spy in our camp, which had given the 
United States detectives a familiar knowledge of all the lead- 
ing Confederates who operated on the border, it seemed im- 
practicable to make other attempts with the same men. He 
expressed his views freely to those of us who were in his 
confidence. He now concluded to make a general report of 
all operations to Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of State of the 
Confederacy, which follows : 

Toronto, C. W., December 3, 1864. 
Hon. J. P. Benjamin, 

Secretary of State. 

Sir : Several times have I attempted to send you communi- 
cations, but I have no assurance that any one of them has been 
received. I have relaxed no efifort to carry out the objects the 
Government had in sending me here. I had hoped at different 
times to have accomplished more, but still I do not think my 
mission has been altogether fruitless. At all events we have 
afforded the Northwestern States the amplest opportunity to 
throw off the galling dynasty at Washington and openly to take 
ground in favor of States' rights and civil liberty. This fact 
must satisfy the large class of discontents at home of the readi- 
ness and willingness of the Administration to avail itself of every 
proiffered assistance in our great struggle for independence. 

On my arrival here I heard that there was such an organi- 
zation as the order of the "Sons of Liberty" in the Northern 
States, and my first effort was to learn its strength, its principles, 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 289 

and its objects, and if possible to put myself in communication 
with its leading spirits. This was effected without much diffi- 
culty or delay. I was received among them with cordiality, and 
the greatest confidence at once extended to me. The number 
of its members was large, but not so great as Mr. Holt, in his 
official report, represented it to be. Its object was political. 
Its principles were that the Government was based on the con- 
sent of the parties to it ; that the States were the parties and were 
sovereign ; that there was no authority in the General Govern- 
ment to coerce a seceding State. The resolutions of 1798 and 
1799 were set forth as presenting the true theory of the Govern- 
ment. Its organization was essentially military. It had its 
commanders of divisions, of brigades, of regiments, of com- 
panies. In the month of June last the universal feeling among 
its members, leaders and privates, was that it was useless to hold 
a Presidential election. Lincoln had the power and would 
certainly re-elect himself, and there was no hope but in force. 
The belief was entertained and freely expressed that by a bold, 
vigorous, and concerted movement the great Northwestern 
States of Illinois, Indiana and Ohio could be seized and held. 
This being done, the States of Kentucky and Missouri could 
easily be lifted from their prostrate condition and placed on their 
feet, and this in sixty days would end the war. 

While everything was moving along smoothly to a supposed 
successful consummation, the first interruption in the calculation 
was the postponement of the meeting of the Democratic Con- 
vention from the 4th of July to the 29th of August, but prepara- 
tions still went on, and in one of the States the 20th of July was 
fixed as the day for the movement ; but before the day arrived 
a general council of the order from different States was called, 
and it was thought the movement on the 20th of Jul)^ would be 
premature and the i6th of August was fixed upon for a general 
uprising. This postponement was insisted on upon the ground 
that it was necessary to have a series of public meetings to 
prepare the public mind, and appointments for public peace 
meetings were made, one at Peoria, one at Springfield, and one 
at Chicago, on the i6th. The fi-rst one was at Peoria, and to 
make it a success I agreed that so much money as was necessary 
would be furnished by me. It was held and was a decided 
success ; the vast multitudes who attended seemed to be swayed 
but by one leading idea — peace. The friends were encouraged 
and strengthened and seemed anxious for the day when they 
would do something to hasten them to the great goal of peace. 
About this time that correspondence between our friends and 



290 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Horace Greeley made its appearance. Lincoln's manifesto 
shocked the country. The belief, in some way, prevailed over 
the North that the South would agree to a reconstruction, and 
the politicians, especially the leading ones, conceived the idea 
that on such an issue Lincoln could be beaten at the ballot-box. 
At all events, they agreed that the trial of the ballot-box should 
be made before a resort to force, always a dernier resort. The 
Springfield meeting came off, but it was apparent that the fire 
exhibited at Peoria had already diminished. The whole tone 
of the speakers was that the people must rely upon the ballot- 
box for redress of grievances. The nerves of the leaders of the 
order began to relax. About this time a large lot of arms were 
purchased and sent to Indianapolis, which was discovered, and 
some of the leading men were charged with the design to arm 
the members of the order for treasonable purposes. Treachery 
showed itself at Louisville. Judge Bullitt and Dr. Kalbus were 
arrested and sent to Memphis. The day on which the great 
movement was to be made became known to Mr. McDonald, 
candidate for Governor of Indiana, and believing it would mar 
his prospects for election unless prevented, he threatened to 
expose all the parties engaged unless the project was abandoned. 
Thus the day passed by and nothing was done. 

The Chicago convention came, the crowd was immense, the 
feeling was unanimous for peace. A general impression 
prevailed that a reconstruction could be had and that it was 
necessary to so far pander to the military feeling as to take 
General McClellan to secure a certain success. This nomina- 
tion, followed as it was by divers disclosures and arrests of 
persons, prominent members, totally demoralized the "Sons of 
Liberty." The feeling with the masses is as strong as ever. 
They are true, brave, and, I believe, willing and ready, but they 
have no leaders. The vigilance of the Administration, its large 
detective force, the large bounties paid for treachery and the 
respectable men who have yielded to the temptation, added to 
the large military force stationed in those States, make organi- 
zation and preparation almost an impossibility. A large sum 
of money has been expended in fostering and furthering these 
operations and it now seems to have been to little profit. But 
in reviewing the past I do not see how it could have been 
avoided, nor has it been spent altogether in vain. The appre- 
hensions of the enemy have caused him to bring back and keep 
from the field in front at least 60.000 to watch and browbeat the 
people at home. In this view of the subject the same amount 
of money has effected so much in no other quarter since the 
commencement of the war. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 291 

In July last Capt. Charles H. Cole, of General Forrest's com- 
mand, made his escape from prison. He represented to me that 
he had been appointed a lieutenant in our Navy. I sent him 
around the Lakes, with instructions to go as a lower-deck 
passenger, to familiarize himself with all the channels, and 
different approaches to the several harbors, the strength of each 
place, the depositories of coal, and especially to learn all that 
he could about the steamer Michigan, and devise some plan for 
her capture or destruction. This duty he performed very satis- 
factorily. He was then instructed to return and put himself in 
communication with the officers of the Michigan, and feeling his 
way, to endeavor to purchase the boat from its officers. For a 
time he thought he would succeed in this, if he could give the 
guarantee of payment of the sum stipulated ; but by degrees 
the question was dropped, and he asked permission to organize 
a force, board and take her. This was given and Acting Master 
John Y. Beall was sent him to aid in the organization, and in 
carrying out the enterprise. Their plan was well conceived and 
held out the promise of success. It had been previously ascer- 
tained from escaped prisoners from Johnson's Island that an 
organization existed among the prisoners of the island for the 
purpose of surprising the guard and capturing the island. The 
presence of the steamer Michigan, which carried fourteen guns, 
was the only obstacle. 

Secret communications were had by which they were advised 
that on the night of the 19th of September an attempt to seize 
the Michigan would be made. On that night Captain Cole, who 
had previously established the friendliest relations with the 
officers of the steamer, was to have a wine drinking with them 
on board, and at a given hour Acting Master Beall was to 
appear, on a boat to be obtained for that purpose, with a 
sufficient body of Confederate soldiers to board and take the 
steamer. Should they capture the steamer, a common shot sent 
through the officers' quarters on Johnson's Island was to signify 
to the prisoners that the hour for their release had come. 
Should they take the island, boats were to be improvised and 
Sandusky was to be attacked. If taken, the prisoners were to 
be mounted and make for Cleveland, the boats cooperating, and 
from Cleveland, the prisoners were to make Wheeling and 
thence to Virginia. The key to the whole movement was the 
capture of the Michigan. On the evening of the 19th, by some 
treachery. Cole was arrested and the messenger who was to 
meet Acting Master Beall at Kelley's Island did not reach him. 
Disappointed, but nothing daunted. Acting Master Beall, having 



292 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

possession of the Philo Parsons, passenger steamer from Detroit 
to Sandusky, went on toward Johnson's Island. Having landed 
at Middle Bass Island to secure a supply of wood, the steamer 
Island Queen, with a large number of passengers and thirty-two 
soldiers, came up alongside and lashed herself to the Parsons. 
An attack was at once resolved upon. The passengers and 
soldiers were soon made prisoners and the boat delivered up to 
our men. The soldiers were regularly paroled, the passengers 
were left on the island, having given their promise not to leave 
for twenty-four hours, and the boat was towed out into the lake 
and sunk. The Parsons was then steered directly for the bay 
of Sandusky. Here the men, for certain reasons not altogether 
satisfactory, but possibly fortunately, refused to make the attack 
on the Michigan. Beall returned, landed at Sandwich, C. W., 
and the men scattered through the country. Most of them have 
returned to the Confederate States ; but a few days since Acting 
Master Bennett G. Burley was arrested, and the trial is now 
going on for his delivery under the extradition treaty. If we 
had Cole's, Beall's, or his own commission I would not fear the 
result. As it is they will have to prove that they acted under 
my orders, and that will in all probability secure his release, but 
it may lead to my expulsion from the Provinces. At least I 
have it from a reliable source that this last proposition has been 
pressed upon the Canadian authorities and they have considered 
it. Should the course of events take this direction, unadvised 
by you, I shall consider it my duty to remain where I am and 
alDide the issue. I should prefer, if it be possible, to have your 
views on the subject. Captain Cole is still a prisoner on John- 
son's Island. 

In obedience to your suggestion, so far as it was practicable, 
soon after my arrival here, I urged the people in the North to 
convert their paper money into gold and withdraw it from the 
market. I am satisfied this policy was adopted and carried into 
effect to some extent, but how extensively I am unable to state. 
What efifect it had on the gold market it is impossible to estimate, 
but certain it is that gold continued to appreciate until it went 
to 290. The high price may have tempted many to change their 
policy, because afterward gold fell in the market to 150. When 
it was about 180, and exportation of gold was so small that there 
appeared to be but little or no demand for it, Mr. John Porter- 
field, formerly a banker in Nashville, but now a resident of 
Montreal, was furnished with $100,000, and instructed to pro- 
ceed to New York to carry out a financial policy, of his own 
conception, which consisted in the purchase of gold and export- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 293 

ing- the same, sellings it for sterling bills of exchange, and then 
converting his exchange into gold. This process involved a 
certain loss, the cost of transshipment. He was instructed by 
Mr. Clay and myself to go on with his policy until he had 
expended $25,000, with which he supposed he would ship 
directly $5,000,000, and induce others to ship much more, and 
then, if the effect upon the gold market was not very perceptible, 
he was to desist and return to Canada and restore the money 
unexpended. By his last report he had caused the shipment of 
more than $2,000,000 of gold at an expense of less than $10,000, 
but it seems that a Mr. Lyons, who had been a former partner 
of Porterfield, was arrested by General Butler on the ground 
that he was exporting gold, and although Mr. Lyons had no 
connection with Porterfield in this transaction, yet he thought 
it prudent to return to Canada, and while he retains the unex- 
pended balance of the $25,000 to carry out his instructions, he 
has restored $75,000. I must confess that the first shipment 
had a marked effect on the market. I am inclined to the opinion 
that his theory will work great damage and distrust to the 
Federal finances, if vigorously followed up, and if no untoward 
circumstances should interfere with the operation. 

Soon after I reached Canada a Mr. Minor Major visited me 
and represented himself as an accredited agent from the Con- 
federate States to destroy steamboats on the Mississippi River, 
and that his operations were suspended for want of means. I 
advanced to him $2,000 in Federal currency, and soon after- 
wards several boats were burned at Saint Louis, involving an 
immense loss of property to the enemy. He became suspected, 
as he represented to me, of being the author of this burning, 
and from that time both he and his men have been hiding and 
consequently have done nothing. 

Money has been advanced to Mr. Churchill, of Cincinnati, 
TO ORGANIZE A CORPS FOR THE PURPOSE OF 
INCENDIARISM IN THAT CITY. I consider him a true 
man, and although as yet he has effected but little, I AM 
IN CONSTANT EXPECTATION OF HEARING OF 
EFFECTIVE WORK IN THAT OUARTER. 

Previous to the arrival of LIEUTENANT-COLONEL 
MARTIN AND LIEUTENANT HEADLEY BRINGING 
AN UNSIGNED NOTE FROM YOU all the different places 
where our prisoners are confined — Camp Douglas, Rock Island, 
Camp Morton, Camp Chase, Elmira — had been thoroughly 
examined, and the conclusion was forced upon us that all efforts 
to release them without an outside cooperation would bring 



294 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

disaster upon the prisoners and result in no good. All projects 
of that sort were abandoned, except that at Camp Douglas, 
where Captain Hines still believed he could effect their release. 
We yielded to his firmness, zeal, and persistence, and his plans 
were plausible, but treachery defeated him before his well-laid 
plans were developed. Having nothing else on hand. Colonel 
Martin expressed a wish to organize A CORPS TO BURN 
NEW YORK CITY. HE WAS ALLOWED TO DO SO 
AND A MOST DARING ATTEMPT HAS BEEN MADE 
TO FIRE THAT CITY, BUT THEIR RELIANCE ON 
THE GREEK FIRE HAS PROVED A MISFORTUNE. 
IT CANNOT BE RELIED ON AS AN AGENT IN SUCH 
WORK. I have no faith whatever in it, and no attempt shall 
hereafter be made under my general directions with any such 
material. 

I knew nothing whatever of the raid on St. Albans until after 
it transpired. Desiring to have a boat on whose captain and 
crew reliance could be placed, and on board of which arms could 
be sent to convenient points for arming such vessels as could be 
seized for operations on the lakes, I aided Dr. James T. Bates, 
of Kentucky, an old steamboat captain, in the purchase of the 
steamer Georgiana. She had scarcely been transferred when 
the story went abroad that she had been purchased and armed 
for the purpose of sinking the Michigan, releasing the prisoners 
on Johnson's Island, and destroying the shipping on the Lakes 
and the cities on their margin. The wildest consternation pre- 
vailed in all the border cities. At Buffalo two tugs had cannon 
placed on board ; four regiments of soldiers were sent there, two 
of them represented to have been drawn from the Army of 
Virginia. Bells were rung at Detroit and churches broken up 
on Sunday. The whole lake shore was a scene of wild excite- 
ment. Boats were sent out which boarded the Georgiana^ and 
found nothing contraband on board, but still the people were 
incredulous. The bane and curse of carrying out anything in 
this country is the surveillance under which we act. Detectives, 
or those ready to give information, stand on every street corner. 
Two or three cannot interchange ideas without a reporter. 

The Presidential election has so demoralized the leaders of 
the order of the "Sons of Liberty" that a new organization under 
new leaders has become an absolute necessity. This is now 
going forward with great vigor and success. The new order 
is styled the "Order of the Star." There is a general expecta- 
tion that there will soon be a new draft, and the members swear 
resistance to another draft. It is purely military, wholly inde- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 295 

pendent of politics and politicians. It is given out among the 
members that Stonewall Jackson is the founder of the order, 
and the name has its significance from the stars on the collars 
of Southern officers. There is no ground to doubt that the 
masses to a large extent of the North are brave and true, and 
believe Lincoln a tyrant and usurper. During my stay in 
Canada a large amount of property has been destroyed by 
burning. The information brought me as to the perpetrators 
is so conflicting and contradictory that I am satisfied that noth- 
ing can be certainly known. 

Should claims be presented at the War Office for payment 
for this kind of work, not one dollar should be advanced on any 
proof adduced until all the parties concerned may have an 
opportunity for making out and presenting proof. Several 
parties claim to have done the work at Saint Louis, New 
Orleans, Louisville, Brooklyn, Philadelphia, and at Cairo. 

Within the last few days. Dr. K. L Stewart, of Virginia, has 
reached this place, and very mysteriously informs me that he 
has a plan for the execution of something which has received 
the sanction of the President. He is in want of money and 
states to me that you gave him a draft on me for $20,000 in gold, 
which has been lost on the way. He has sent back to Richmond 
for a renewal. He has rented a large house and moved his 
family into it. I cannot doubt his word, but of course I do not 
feel authorized to advance him money without your authority 
or that of the President. I have, however, been constrained to 
advance him $500 in gold, on his written statement that unless 
the money was in hand the lives and liberties of high Confed- 
erate officers would be imperiled. 

Owing to the health of Mr. Clay, we separated at Halifax, 
and since then we have not lived together, though we have been 
in consulting distance. As the money was all in my name, 
which I supposed to be controlled by us jointly, and as he 
desired to have a sum placed in his hands, at all times subject 
to his personal control, I transferred to him $93,614, for which 
I hold his receipts, and for which he promises to account to the 
proper authorities at home. Including the money turned over 
to Mr. Clay, all of which he has not yet expended, the entire 
expenditures as yet on all accounts are about $300,000. I still 
hold three drafts for $100,000 each, which have not been 
collected. 

Should you think it best for me to return I would be glad to 
know in what way you think I had besr return the funds 
remaining in hand. I INFER FROM YOUR PERSONAL 



296 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

IN THE NEW YORK NEIVS THAT IT IS YOUR WISH 
I SHOULD REMAIN HERE for the present, and I shall obey 
lyour orders. Indeed I have so many papers in my possession, 
[which in the hands of the enemy would utterly RUIN and 
DESTROY very many of the PROMINENT MEN IN THE 
NORTH, that a due sense of my obligations to them will force 
on me the extremest caution in my movements. 

For the future, discarding all dependence on the organiza- 
tions in the Northern States, our efforts, in my judgment, should 
be directed to inducing those who are conscripted in the North, 
and who utterly refuse to join the army to fight against the 
Confederate States, to make their way south to join our service. 
It is believed by many that at least a number sufficient to make 
up a division may be secured in this way for our service before 
spring, especially if our army opens up a road to Ohio. Some 
are now on their way to Corinth, which at present is the point 
of rendezvous. Also to operate on their railroads and force the 
enemy to keep up a guard on all their roads, which will require 
a large standing army at home, and to burn whenever it is 
practicable, and thus make the men of property feel their inse- 
curity and tire them out with the war. THE ATTEMPT ON 
NEW YORK HAS PRODUCED A GREAT PANIC, 
WHICH WILL NOT SUBSIDE AT THEIR BIDDING. 
This letter, though long, does not, I am aware, report many 
things of minor importance which have occurred since my 
sojourn in Canada, but I shall omit them at present. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

J. Thompson. 

The trial and conviction of the Confederates and the 
leaders of the "Sons of Liberty," who were arrested at 
Chicago on the 6th of November, 1864, took place before a 
military commission at Cincinnati, Ohio, under the auspices 
of General Hooker. The official proceedings were as 
follows : 

General Orders, No. 30. 

Headquarters Northern Department, 

Cincinnati, Ohio, April 21, 1865. 
I. Before a military commission, which convened at Cin- 
cinnati, Ohio. January 11, 1865, pursuant to Special Orders, No. 
278, series of 1864, and Nos. 4 and 8, current series, from these 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 297 

headquarters, and of which Col. Charles D. Murray, Eighty- 
ninth Regiment Indiana Volunteer Infantry, is president, were 
arraigned and tried : 

Charles Walsh, Buckner S. Morris, Vincent Marmaduke, 
and R. T. Semmes, citizens. 

Charge i. Conspiring, in violation of the laws of war, to 
release the rebel prisoners of war confined by authority of the 
United States at Camp Douglas, near Chicago, 111. 

Specification. — In this, that they, the said Charles Walsh, 
Buckner S. Morris, Vincent Marmaduke, R. T. Semmes, 
Charles Travis Daniel, George E. Cantrill, G. St. Leger Grenfel, 
and Benjamin M. Anderson, did unlawfully and secretly con- 
spire and agree among themselves, and with one Captain Hines, 
so called, alias Doctor Hunter, of the Confederate Army, and 
others, in violation of the laws of war, to release the rebel pris- 
oners of war, then confined by the authority of the United States 
at Camp Douglas, near Chicago, 111., numbering between 8,000 
and 9,000 persons, by suddenly attacking said camp on or about 
the evening of the 8th of November, anno Domini 1864, with 
a large number of armed men, overpowering the guard and 
forces then and there stationed on duty, seizing the cannon and 
arms in the possession of said guard and forces for the purpose 
of guarding and defending said camp, forcibly opening the gates 
of said prison camp and removing all obstructions to the suc- 
cessful escape of said prisoners confined within its limits. This, 
at or near Chicago, in the State of Illinois, within the military 
lines and the theater of military operations of the Army of the 
United States, at a period of war and armed rebellion against 
the authority of the United States, and on or about the ist 
day of November, anno Domini 1864. 

Charge 2. Conspiring, in violation of the laws of war, to lay 
waste and destroy the city of Chicago, 111. 

Specification. — In this, that they, the said Charles Walsh, 
Buckner S. Morris, Vincent Marmaduke, R. T. Semmes, Charles 
Travis Daniel, George E. Cantrill, G. St. Leger Grenfel, and 
Benjamin M. Anderson, did unlawfully and secretly conspire 
and agree among themselves, and with one Captain Hines, 
so called, alias Doctor Hunter, of the Confederate Army, and 
others, in violation of the laws of war, to lay waste and destroy, 
on or about the evening of the 8th of November, anno Domini 
1864, the city of Chicago, 111., by capturing the arsenal in said 
city, cutting the telegraph wires, burning the railroad depots, 
taking forcible possession of the banks and public buildings, and 
leaving the city to be sacked, pillaged, and burned by the rebel 



298 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

prisoners of war confined at Camp Douglas, near Chicago, 111., 
which prisoners were to be forcibly released by them on or about 
the date above mentioned. This, at or near Chicago, in the 
State of Illinois, within the military lines and the theater of 
military operations of the Army of the United States, at a period 
of war and armed rebellion against the authority of the United 
States, and on or about the ist day of November, anno Domini 
1864. 
To which each of the accused pleaded not guilty, 

FINDING OF TPIE COMMISSION. 

The commission, after mature deliberation on the evidence 
adduced, find the accused, Buckner S. Morris, (not guilty.) 

And the commission do, therefore, acquit him, the said 
Buckner S. Morris. 

FINDING AND SENTENCE. 

The commission, after mature deliberation on the evidence 
adduced, find the accused, Charles Walsh, (guilty on all 
charges.) 

And the commission do, therefore, sentence him, Charles 
Walsh, to be imprisoned for the term of five years, at such place 
as the commanding general may direct, said imprisonment to 
date from the 7th day of November, 1864. 

FINDING AND SENTENCE. 

The commission, after mature deliberation on the evidence 
adduced, find the accused, R. T. Semnies, (guilty on all 
charges.) 

And the commission do, therefore, sentence him, the said 
R. T. Semmes, to be imprisoned at hard labor at such place as 
the commanding general may direct for the term of three years. 

FINDING OF THE COMMISSION. 

The commission, after mature deliberation on the evidence 
adduced, find the accused, Vincent Marmaduke, (not guilty.) 

And the commission do, therefore, acquit him, the said 
Vincent Marmaduke. 

II. The proceedings, findings, and sentences in the foregoing 
cases of Charles Walsh, Buckner S. Morris, Vincent Marma- 
duke, and Richard T. Semmes, are approved and confirmed. 
The penitentiary at Columbus, Ohio, is designated as the place 
of confinement (at hard labor) of the prisoners Charles Walsh 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 299 

and Richard T, Semmes. The post commandant of Cincinnati, 
Ohio, is charged with their immediate removal and deHvery to 
the officer in charge of the said penitentiary. The prisoner, 
Buckner S. Morris, will be released upon taking the oath of 
allegiance. The prisoner, Vincent Marmaduke, having been 
acquitted, has been released upon taking the oath of allegiance. 

O. H. Hart, 
Lieutenant-Colonel and Assistant Adjutant-General. 
By command of Major-General Hooker. 

General Court-Martial Orders, No. 250. 

War Department, 
Adjutant-General^s Office, 

Washington, May 26, 1865. 

H. In the case of R. T. Semmes, citizen, sentenced by a mili- 
tary commission "to be imprisoned at hard labor at such place 
as the commanding general may direct for the term of three 
years," and now confined in the penitentiary at Columbus, Ohio, 
as promulgated in General Orders, No. 30, Headquarters 
Northern Department, Cincinnati, Ohio, April 21, 1865, the 
sentence is remitted, and he will be released from confinement 
without delay. 

By order of the President of the United States. 

E. D. Townsend, 
Assistant Adjutant-General. 

Col. George St. Leger Grenfel was tried at the same time 
by the same commission, upon the same charges and speci- 
fications, with the following result, to-wit : 

SENTENCE. 

And the commission does, therefore, sentence him, G. St. 
Leger Grenfel, citizen, to be hung by the neck until he is dead, 
at such time and place as the commanding general may direct, 
two-thirds of the members concurring therein. 

n. The proceedings of the commission in the above case 
were forwarded by the reviewing officer, Major-General Joseph 
Hooker, for the action of the President of the United States. 
The following are his orders : 

"Executive Mansion, July 22, 1865. 
"The proceedings and findings in the case of G. St. Leger 
Grenfel are hereby approved, but, in consideration of the recom- 



300 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

mendation of members of the court, and of the successful 
progress of the Government in suppressing the rebelhon, and 
in accordance with the suggestion of the Judge-Advocate- 
General, the sentence is hereby commuted to imprisonment for 
life, at hard labor, at the Dry Tortugas, or such other place as 
the Secretary of War may designate. 

"Andrew Johnson, 

"President." 

III. Maj.-Gen. E. O. C. Ord, U. S. Volunteers, command- 
ing Department of the Ohio, is ordered to send the prisoner, G. 
St. Leger Grenfel, under charge of a commissioned officer, with 
a sufficient guard, to the Dry Tortugas, Fla., designated as the 
place of imprisonment, where he will be delivered to the com- 
manding officer of the post, who is hereby ordered to confine 
said Grenfel at hard labor during the period designated in his 
sentence as commuted. 

E. D. TOWNSEND, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 
By order of the Secretary of War. 

War Department, Bureau of Military Justice, 

June 8, 1866. 
G. St. Leger Grenfel, Fort Jefferson, Fla. 

Sir : Your application for remission of sentence, forwarded 
by General Hill to the Adjutant-General April 8, has been duly 
considered by the President in connection with the record of 
your trial, and I am instructed by him to inform you that it has 
been decided not to extend Executive clemency to your case.* 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

J. Holt, 
Judge-Advocate-General. 



*It appears from the records that Grenfel escaped from Fort Jefferson, 
Fla., March 7, 1868. 



CHAPTER XXX 

Expedition to Buffalo and Dunkirk, New York, to rescue Con- 
federate generals on train — Proclamations of General Dix — 
Efforts to capture the express car — Capture of Captain Beall 
and George S. Anderson at Suspension Bridge. 

There appeared nothing to do now, since all our attempts 
everywhere had failed. But Colonel Thompson received in- 
formation from Sandusky, Ohio, that seven of our generals 
who were in prison at Johnson's Island were to be removed 
to Fort Lafayette, New York, on the 15th of December. 
They were Major-Generals Edward Johnson and J. R. Trim- 
ble ; Brigadier-Generals J. J. Archer, M. Jeff. Thompson, J. 
R. Jones, W. N. R. Beall, and I. W. Frazier. Colonel 
Thompson sent for Martin and me on the morning of the 
13th. He was anxious that these generals should escape or 
be released on the train en route. He thought that we, with 
Captain Beall and a few others, might rescue them if it could 
be done at all. He said he would not direct us to go unless 
we had confidence and were willing to undertake the enter- 
prise. We promptly volunteered, and he agreed to get Beall, 
who was still farther west. He had not been about Toronto. 
The others selected were Lieut. James T. Harrington, Capt. 
Robert Cobb Kennedy, Lieut. John T. Ashbrook, Charles C. 
Hemming of Florida, George S. Anderson of Pittsylvania 
County, Virginia; W. P. Rutland of Nashville, Tennessee; 
and Forney Holt of Memphis, Tennessee. Martin, Beall, 
and Headley made up the party of ten men. 

Colonel Thompson directed that after taking the train we 
should immediately arm the generals and use our judgment 
after that time, until Captain Beall with a few men should 
secure all the money in the express safe, when he and Mar- 



302 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

tin would at once give a reasonable amount to each of the 
generals, and each member of the party, for we might be 
obliged to scatter in Ohio or New York. It was distinctly 
understood that nothing should be taken that belonged to 
passengers, but, if passengers interfered, we would shoot 
them the same as we would shoot the Federal guards of the 
prisoners. It was agreed that no human being should have 
any knowledge whatever of our expedition except the men 
composing it. All knew that United States detectives were 
constantly watching our movements. 

The men went in pairs to Buffalo on Saturday night the 
13th and Sunday the 14th of December. Martin and I went 
on the same train on Saturday night, getting off at Hamilton, 
Canada, a Httle city on Lake Ontario. Here Beall was to 
join us. He had arrived and retired when we reached the 
hotel late at night and we did not meet him until the next 
morning. We spent the day in Beall's room, where our plans 
were matured to capture the train between Sandusky and 
Buffalo by surprising the guards and taking their arms. 
We would then leave the passenger coaches behind on the 
track between the two stations. After cutting the telegraph 
wires we would run to Buffalo if near that place, otherwise 
we would scatter on trains in different directions. We in- 
tended to have the generals to change clothing with pas- 
sengers of the same size and Colonel Martin would pay the 
difference. 

We had never met Beall before, but fell in love with him 
at once. He was a modest, unassuming gentleman. I soon 
observed that he did not talk to entertain but was a thinking 
man and was resourceful and self-possessed. He did not 
get excited in relating an exciting episode and only smiled 
at amusing stories when others laughed aloud. And yet he 
was an interesting companion. 

Sunday afternoon, the 14th, we went on, crossed the 
Suspension Bridge, and made connection for Buffalo. There 
we stopped at the Genesee House. I saw George Anderson 
in the office and gave him a sign to follow me outside, which 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 303 

he did, and then up-stairs to our room, where Colonel Martin 
posted him upon the plans for capturing the train. The 
other members of our party were also seen and all arrange- 
ments were made to leave the next morning for Dunkirk in 
time to meet the eastbound train from Cleveland on which 
we expected the generals to come. 

The following "Proclamation" appeared among the tele- 
graphic despatches in the newspapers of Buffalo next morn- 
ing, the 15th: 

Headquarters, Department of the East, 

New York City, December 14th, 1864. 
General Orders, No. 97. 

Information having been received at these headquarters that 
the rebel marauders who were guilty of murder and robbery at 
St. Albans, have been discharged from arrest, and that other 
enterprises are actually in preparation in Canada, the Com- 
manding-General deems it due to the people of the frontier 
towns to adopt the most prompt and efficient measures for the 
security of their lives and property. 

ALL MILITARY COMMANDERS ON THE FRON- 
TIER ARE THEREFORE INSTRUCTED IN CASE 
FURTHER ACTS OF DEPREDATION AND MURDER 
ARE ATTEMPTED, WHETHER BY MARAUDERS, OR 
PERSONS ACTING UNDER COMMISSIONS FROM 
THE REBEL AUTHORITIES AT RICHMOND, TO 
SHOOT DOWN THE DEPREDATORS IF POSSIBLE 
WHILE IN THE COMMISSION OF THEIR CRIMES; 
or if it be necessary with a view to their capture to cross the 
boundary between the United States and Canada, said com- 
manders are directed to pursue them wherever they may take 
refuge, and if captured, they are under no circumstances, to be 
surrendered, but are to be sent to these headquarters for trial 
and punishment by martial law. 

The Major-General commanding this department will not 
hesitate to exercise to the fullest extent the authority he 
possesses, under the rules of war exercised by all civilized 
States, in regard to persons organizing hostile expeditions 
within neutral territory, and fleeing to it for an asylum after 
committing acts of depredation within our own ; such an exer- 
cise of authority having become indispensable to protect our 
cities and towns from incendiarism, and our people from rob- 
bery and murder. 



304 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

It is earnestly hoped that the inhabitants of our frontier 
districts will abstain from all acts of retaliation on account of 
the outrages committed by rebel marauders, and that the proper 
measures of redress will be left to the action of the public 
authorities. 

By command of Major-General Dix: 

D. T. Van Buren, C. A. A. G. 

It therefore appeared that if any of us were caught we 
were to be shot down and if we escaped to Canada we would 
be pursued into that country by troops of the United States 
and brought back for trial by a court martial. 

All were promptly at the depot the next morning, the 15th, 
and in pairs boarded the train for Dunkirk, New York, on 
the Lake Shore Railroad. All stopped there except Colonel 
Martin, who went on to Erie, Pennsylvania. It was under- 
stood that he would return on the train which conveyed the 
Confederate generals, and the rest of us, meanwhile, were 
to kill time in Dunkirk. It was agreed that Beall and I 
should make safe inquiries at Dunkirk and learn if possible 
whether the generals had already passed over the road for 
the east. Colonel Martin proposed to do the same at Erie 
and be governed accordingly. It was intended that we 
should board the train bearing the prisoners and capture it 
within a short distance of Buffalo, then we would derail the 
coaches and run the engine and express car within two miles 
of the city and derail them also. Our party and the generals 
were then to go into Buffalo and depart on any train west 
or south for a reasonable distance and go in pairs on their 
own judgment by the safest route to Canada and report at 
Toronto to Colonel Thompson. 

We went around the depot and watched for Colonel Mar- 
tin on the arrival of every passenger train going east. He 
appeared on the arrival of the second train and beckoned us 
to come aboard. He had learned at Erie that the Confederate 
generals had not been sent east yet. 

It now seemed prudent to secrete our party in Buffalo and 
watch the incoming trains from Sandusky for the generals 
and then go on the same train when they left Buffalo. Still, 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 305 

the order of General Dix had put us in greater peril, and it 
was decided by Martin and Beall that we could not afford 
to risk ourselves long in one place. It was therefore decided 
that if the generals did not arrive the next morning we would 
go out in sleighs and find a level place on the road to halt 
the next train. We would then mix into the crowd and 
make inquiries as though we had been driving and had 
halted on the road to learn their trouble. 

If we found the generals on board we would talk with the 
guards about the mishap just as if we were passengers on the 
train. 

Martin was to give the signal for our attempt on the 
guards. He intended to get hold of the officer in charge at 
the beginning and then try to make him surrender the others, 
while the rest of us would get the drop on the guards at each 
door. The generals were to be quickly armed, and after 
changing overcoats with passengers, the engineer would be 
taken in charge to run into the suburbs of Buffalo, where 
Martin would get off with the generals and force the engi- 
neer to run back into the country. Then after obstructing 
the road the party would proceed on their judgment to 
Canada. Meanwhile, the rest of us would hurry back to the 
city in the sleighs and endeavor to be in time for the Niagara 
train. If the train should be stopped by an obstruction and 
get damaged then we intended to secure conveyances for the 
generals, in the neighborhood, so as to reach Buffalo ahead 
of the passengers. 

We spent the night in Buffalo. Next morning, after it 
appeared that the generals did not arrive, Martin, Beall, 
Anderson and myself rode out in a double-seated sleigh 
about four miles to a place where our road crossed the rail- 
road track. There was no house near by and it was decided 
that we would come here early that night and halt the train. 
We would then detach the coaches, carry out our plan of 
the night before, and after derailing or disabling the engine, 
get in our sleighs, and reach the city in time to catch the train 
for Canada. We went back to the city and arranged that 



306 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

two sleighs, containing- all our party, would meet in the 
suburbs at 5 p. m. We reached the appointed place on the 
road and secreted our conveyances in a wood near by. Col- 
onel Martin concluded to put an iron rail in a fence gap and 
cover it with snow to stop the train if it did not stop when 
signaled with a lantern; but before we got ready the train 
came and went by without any trouble, throwing the iron rail 
about fifty yards. But it was jarred, and stopped about two 
hundred yards distant, and one or two men started back with 
lanterns. We hurried back to the city and took the train 
for Suspension Bridge, where we were obliged to wait an 
hour for the train from New York on the Central Railroad. 

It had been agreed that on our arrival here we were imme- 
diately to walk across the bridge and wait on the Canada 
side for our train. Martin and I were the first to go. When 
the train came over and stopped at the station we got on, but 
could find none of our comrades. We did not understand 
their failure to come, and got off, thinking this must be the 
wrong train. Some time after another train came over but 
still none of our party could be found. We learned from 
the depot agent that the regular train went by in the first 
instance and the next train was not due till morning. The 
night was spent at a hotel. We found none of the men on 
the morning train and concluded to go on to Hamilton, where 
Beall had left his baggage. Nothing could be heard of Beall 
or any of the others in Hamilton. We went on to Toronto 
and found Ashbrook, Kennedy, Holt and Rutland had 
arrived. They were on the regular train the night before 
but we had overlooked them. They said they were worn 
out and were asleep perhaps when we came in their car. 

Colonel Thompson sent a messenger to the Suspension 
Bridge and Niagara station. New York, to inquire for the 
missing members of the party. 

It was learned in this way that Captain John Yates Beall 
and George S. Anderson, his companion, had been arrested 
while asleep, by policemen, in the eating-room where Martin 
and I had left them when we walked across the bridge. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 307 

The last to make his appearance of the others missing was 
Charles C. Hemming. He found himself pursued before he 
could cross the bridge, and escaped finally, reaching Fre- 
donia, New York, where he was concealed by a stranger, 
but a friend, a Miss Mary Gumming. 

Strange, but true, Miss Gumming visited Florida, in 1865, 
and meeting the father of young Hemming, who was a 
widower, they were married. She was still living, 1901, in 
Fredonia, New York, at about 80 years of age. 

Another proclamation had been issued by General Dix 
revoking that part of his proclamation of the 14th, which 
directed the pursuit into Ganada. It was as follows : 

Headquarters, Department of the East, 

New York Gity, December 17th, 1864. 
General Orders No. 100. 

The President of the United States having disapproved of 
THAT PORTION OF DEPARTMENT GENERAL 
ORDER No. 97, current series, which instructs military com- 
manders on the frontier, in certain cases therein specified, TO 
GROSS THE BOUNDARY LINE BETWEEN THE 
UNITED STATES AND GANADA, AND DIREGTS 
PURSUIT INTO NEUTRAL TERRITORY, THE SAID 
INSTRUGTION IS HEREBY REVOKED. 

In case, therefore, of any future marauding expedition into 
our territory from Ganada, military commanders on the frontier 
will report to these headquarters for orders, BEFORE 
GROSSING THE BOUNDARY LINE IN PURSUIT OF 
GUILTY PARTIES. 

By command of Major-General Dix: 

D. T. Van Buren, Col. and A. A. G. 
(Ofi(icial) 

Charles O. Jobiel, Major and Aide-de-Camp. 



CHAPTER XXXI 

Situation in Canada and in the Confederacy — Sherman's march 
through Georgia and occupation of Savannah. 

The ill-fated expedition to Buffalo and Dunkirk ended the 
active operations against the enemy by the "Raiders from 
Canada." The most of the Confederates began to depart for 
the South upon the advice of Colonel Thompson. None of 
us had ever been paid any wages in Canada. In fact, none 
were due except in Confederate money when we returned 
to the Confederacy, Colonel Thompson furnished money 
for expenses only in Canada and for the journey south. 

All the negotiations for peace which had been entered into 
between Thompson, Clay, Holcomb and Sanders, of the 
South, and Greeley, Black, and others, for the North, had 
failed. 

All the efforts of Confederates at Chicago, under Hines 
and Castleman, which promised so much, had failed. 

The plan of Cole and Beall to capture the gunboat 
Michigan, which would have given the mastery of the Lakes 
to the Confederates, had failed. 

The mission of the Confederates to New York City under 
Martin had failed. 

The success of either of these undertakings it was believed 
would have ended the war. 

The failures could only be attributed to the treachery of 
Godfrey J. Hyams who, as all now believed, had furnished 
full information of the plans, of every movement, to the 
United States authorities at Washington, or to their chief 
of detectives in Toronto. 

Now many of our best men were in prison. Burley at 
Toronto. Cole at Sandusky. Young and his comrades 
at Montreal. Beall and Anderson in New York City. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 309 

Grenfel, Shenks, Marmaduke, Cantrill and Travers at 
Chicago, besides Walsh and Morris of the "Sons of Liberty," 
at Chicago; and Horton, McDonald, and others in New 
York. 

It appeared that the Confederate Department in Canada 
was without practical purposes for a longer existence except 
to wind up its business and the protection of our friends 
who were in prison. Mr. Clay had been in Toronto a number 
of times in conference with Colonel Thompson in reference 
to the defense of our comrades who were in prison and 
some of them on trial, or awaiting trial, at Montreal. 

Lieutenant Young and seven of his comrades had been 
arrested and arraigned in the Police Court at Montreal, 
November 7, for trial for extradition, upon the charge of 
robbery, to the authorities of Vermont, on the requisition of 
President Lincoln. A delay of thirty days had been granted 
to enable Young and his men to secure evidence from Rich- 
mond that they were Confederate soldiers and acting under 
orders from the Confederate Government in making the raid 
on St. Albans. When the case was next called, December 7, 
the police judge conceded that his court did not have juris- 
diction and the prisoners were discharged. But a warrant 
was issued by the Superior Court for Young and his twenty 
men. Young and four others had been arrested and were 
now in prison. 

Burley was on trial at Toronto for extradition to the 
United States on a requisition of President Lincoln. 

Lieutenant S. B. Davis of Delaware had volunteered at 
Richmond to come through to Canada and bring a document 
from President Davis to Colonel Thompson, in which the 
President assumed all the responsibility for the expedition 
of Beall and Burley on Lake Erie, to be used in Burley's trial. 
Davis also brought a letter from the Secretary of the Navy, 
as follows : 



310 confederate operations 

Confederate States of America,, 
Navy Department, 
Richmond, December 19, 1864. 
Hon. J. Thompson, Toronto, C. W. 

Sir: I have received your letter of the 28th ult., and in 
compliance with your request I inclose a duplicate of Acting 
Master Bennett G. Burley's appointment. 

He was captured by the enemy in November last, and was 
confined in Fort Delaware as a prisoner of war. I have learned 
within a short time that he escaped from that place some time 
during the summer. The attention of the Federal authorities 
was called to his capture shortly after it occurred, and were 
informed, through our Agent of Exchange, that he was an 
officer in the Navy of the Confederate States. 

I have sent through his friends here a duplicate of Acting 
Master Beall's appointment, which I trust will reach him. He 
is also an officer of the Navy. 

Captain Cole is not an officer of the Navy, and as he is in 
confinement at Johnson's Island, he had better rely on his com- 
mission in the Army, and I have referred your letters to the 
Secretary of War, requesting him to send a duplicate of his 
commission, if he held one. 
I am, respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

S. R. Mallory, 
Secretary of the Navy. 

Lieutenant Davis was a young- officer of the highest char- 
acter in intelligence and daring. I met him several times 
during the few days he remained in Toronto. Colonel 
Thompson arranged with him to go through to Richmond 
and return with the certificates which would be needed in the 
trial of Lieutenant Young and the other prisoners at 
Montreal. Mr. Clay had found since the trial of Lieutenant 
Young began that he might himself be arrested upon a requi- 
sition from the United States for having authorized the 
raid upon St. Albans by Lieutenant Young and receiving the 
captured money as the agent of the Confederate States. It 
was deemed best that this proceeding should not occur. The 
Canadian Government was now in a panic and was willing 
to extradite Confederates upon a reasonable pretext through 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 311 

fear of the United States. In fact, the Confederates were 
exposing the Canadians to the bitter enmity of the United 
States. It was not because of any breach of the treaty but 
because the people along the border had discovered that the 
Confederates were in earnest and might do incalculable dam- 
age. The United States felt compelled to stop these incur- 
sions and the best means conceived was to threaten the 
Canadians. This was done with success. The Canadian 
Government not only voted $50,000 to the St. Albans banks, 
but the Queen's Counsel were chief attorneys for the United 
States against Lieutenant Young and his comrades. None 
of us felt comfortable in Canada at this time, although it 
seemed that a majority of the citizens were enthusiastic 
friends of the South. 

In view of the apparent determination of the Canadian 
Government to influence the courts to surrender Confeder- 
ates to the United States it was now Colonel Thompson's 
determination to stand by them to the bitter end. 

While the attorneys of the United States were demanding 
proof from Richmond that Young and his men were Confed- 
erates, every possible effort was made to prevent a messenger 
from going to Richmond for the very papers that were 
demanded. Colonel Thompson despatched four different 
messengers on this errand in the interest of Young and his 
men. They all volunteered to go on the journey. 

The leading Confederates who were at Chicago under 
Hines, for the operations on the day of the November elec- 
tion, did not return to Toronto. And most of those who had 
been there had departed for the Confederacy, The few who 
remained seldom appeared in public places. I still enjoyed 
life in the secluded cottage with Hemming and McDonald. 
But of evenings I generally mingled in the throng of skaters 
on Toronto Bay. This was to me the most delightful recrea- 
tion in Canada. 

The situation in the Confederacy was extremely gloomy. 
The failure of the campaign of General Hood in Tennessee 
had destroyed apparently the last hope of that ill-fated de- 



312 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

partment. The army of General Lee was holding Richmond 
and Petersburg against the double numbers of General 
Grant's army, but General Hood had left General Sherman 
in Georgia without opposition. In his masterful position 
General Sherman threw off his mask and brought the war 
directly home to the non-combatants, beginning with the 
women and children of Atlanta. 

MORE THAN A MONTH BEFORE LIEUTENANT 
YOUNG MADE THE RAID ON ST. ALBANS, VER- 
MONT, General Sherman had ordered all the inhabitants 
to leave Atlanta. His order led to the following corre- 
spondence : 

Atlanta^ Georgia^ September ii, 1864. 
Major-General W. T. Sherman. 

Sir: We the undersigned, Mayor and two of the Council 
for the city of Atlanta, for the time being the only legal organ 
of the people of the said city, to express their wishes and wants, 
ask leave most earnestly but respectfully to petition you to 
reconsider the order requiring them to leave Atlanta. 

Many poor women are in advanced state of pregnancy, others 
now having young children, and whose husbands for the 
greater part are either in the army, prisoners, or dead. Some 
say : "I have such a one sick at my house ; who will wait on 
them while I am gone ?" Others say : "What are we to do ? 
We have no home to go to, and no means to buy, build, or rent 
any ; no parents, relatives or friends, to go to." Another says : 
"I will take this or that article of property, but such and such 
things I must leave behind, though I need them much." We 
reply to them : "General Sherman will carry your property to 
Rough and Ready, and General Hood will take it thence on." 
And they will reply to that: "But I want to leave the railroad 
at such a place, and cannot get conveyances from there on." 

We only refer to a few facts, to try to illustrate in part how 
this measure will operate in practice. As you advanced, the 
people north of this fell back; and before your arrival here, a 
large portion of the people had retired south, so that the country 
south of this is already crowded, and without houses enough to 
accommodate the people, and we are informed that many are 
now staying in churches and outbuildings. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 313 

This being so, how is it possible for the people still here 
(mostly women and children) to find any shelter? And how 
can they live through the winter in the woods — no shelter or 
subsistence, in the midst of strangers who know them not, and 
without the power to assist them much, if they were willing to 
do so? 

This is but a feeble picture of the consequences of this 
measure. You know the woe, the horrors, and the suffering 
cannot be described by words ; imagination can only conceive 
of it, and we ask you to take these things into consideration. 

>i; * * :i; * * :): 

Respectfully submitted, 

James M. Calhoun, Mayor, 
E. E. Rawson, Councilman, 
S. C. Wells, Councilman. 

General Sherman replied as follows : 

Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi, 
In the Field, Atlanta, Georgia, September 12, 1864. 
James M. Calhoun, Mayor, E. E. Rawson and S. C. Wells, 

representing City Council of Atlanta. 

Gentlemen: I have your letter of the nth, in the nature 
of a petition to revoke my orders removing all the inhabitants 
from Atlanta. I have read it carefully, and GIVE FULL 
CREDIT TO YOUR STATEMENTS OF THE DIS- 
TRESS THAT WILL BE OCCASIONED, AND YET 
SHALL NOT REVOKE MY ORDERS, BECAUSE THEY 
WERE NOT DESIGNED TO MEET THE HUMANI- 
TIES OF THE CASE, but to prepare for the future struggle 
in which millions of good people outside of Atlanta have a deep 
interest. 

Now that war comes home to you, you feel very different. 
You deprecate its horrors, but did not feel them when you sent 
carloads of soldiers and ammunition, and moulded shells and 
shot, to carry war into Kentucky and Tennessee, to desolate 
the homes of hundreds and thousands of good people who only 
asked to live in peace at their homes, and under the Government 
of their inheritance. But these comparisons are idle. 

NOW YOU MUST GO, AND TAKE WITH YOU THE 
OLD AND FEEBLE, FEED AND NURSE THEM, AND 
BUILD FOR THEM, IN MORE QUIET PLACES, 



314 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

PROPER HABITATIONS TO SHIELD THEM 
AGAINST THE WEATHER UNTIL THE MAD PAS- 
SIONS OF MEN COOL DOWN, AND ALLOW THE 
UNION AND PEACE ONCE MORE TO SETTLE OVER 
YOUR OLD HOMES AT ATLANTA. 
Yours in haste, 

W. T. Sherman, 
Major-General Commanding. 

TEN DAYS BEFORE THE CONFEDERATES 
attempted to fire New York City, General Sherman burned 
Atlanta and started on his "March through Georgia." 

The particulars were published in the newspapers, daily, 
of this "grand move through Georgia," but it will be fair to 
General Sherman and his army to let him tell the story of 
their operations. General Sherman left Atlanta in ruins and 
began his march on the i6th day of November, 1864, after 
issuing the following field order to his army. 

(Special Field Orders, No. 120.) 

Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi, 
In the Field, Kingston, Georgia, November 9, 1864. 

The army will forage liberally on the country during the 
march. 

^ >lc :); jK IK * * 

TO CORPS COMMANDERS ALONE IS INTRUSTED 
THE POWER TO DESTROY MILLS, HOUSES, COT- 
TON-GINS, ETC. ; and for them this general principle is laid 
down : In districts and neighborhoods WHERE THE ARMY 
IS UNMOLESTED, no destruction of such property 
SHOULD BE PERMITTED ; but should GUERRILLAS or 
BUSHWHACKERS MOLEST OUR MARCH. or 
SHOULD THE INHABITANTS BURN BRIDGES, 
OBSTRUCT ROADS, or OTHERWISE MANIFEST 
LOCAL HOSTILITY, the army commanders SHOULD 
ORDER AND ENFORCE A DEVASTATION MORE OR 
LESS RELENTLESS, according to the measure of SUCH 
HOSTILITY. 

6. As for the horses, mules, wagons, etc., belonging to the 
inhabitants, the cavalry and artillery may appropriate freely 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 315 

and without limit ; discriminating-, however, between the rich, 

who are usually hostile, and the poor and industrious, usually 

neutral or friendly. 

H< ***** * 

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman: 

L. M. Dayton^ Aide-de-Camp. 

General Sherman says in his "Memoirs" : 

McLaws's division was falling back before us, and we occa- 
sionally picked up a few of his men as prisoners, who insisted 
that we would meet with strong opposition at Savannah. 

On the 8th, as I rode along, I found the column turned out 
of the main road, marching through fields. Close by, in the 
corner of a fence, was a group of men standing around a hand- 
some young officer, whose foot had been blown to pieces by a 
torpedo planted in the road. He was waiting for a surgeon to 
amputate his leg, and told me he was riding along with the 
rest of his brigade-staff of the Seventeenth Corps, when a 
torpedo trodden on by his horse had exploded, killing the horse 
and literally blowing ofT all the flesh from one of his legs. I 
saw the terrible wound, and made full inquiry into the facts. 
There had been no RESISTANCE AT THAT POINT, 
NOTHING TO GIVE WARNING OF DANGER, AND 
THE REBELS HAD PLANTED EIGHT-INCH SHELLS 
IN THE ROAD, WITH FRICTION MATCHES TO 
EXPLODE THEM B^' BEING TRODDEN ON. THIS 
WAS NOT WAR, BUT MURDER, AND IT MADE ME 
VERY ANGRY. I immediately ordered A LOT OF REBEL 
PRISONERS TO BE BROUGHT FROM THE PRO- 
VOST GUARD, ARMED WITH PICKS AND SPADES, 
AND MADE THEM MARCH IN CLOSE ORDER 
ALONG THE ROAD, SO AS TO EXPLODE THEIR 
OWN TORPEDOES, or to discover and dig them up. 
THEY BEGGED HARD, BUT I REITERATED THE 
ORDER, AND COULD HARDLY HELP LAUGHING AT 
THEIR STEPPING SO GINGERLY along the road, where 
it was supposed SUNKEN TORPEDOES MIGHT EX- 
PLODE AT EACH STEP, but they found no other torpedoes 
UNTIL NEAR FORT McALISTER. 

At this time the following correspondence took place be- 
tween General Sherman and General Halleck : 



316 confederate operations 

Headquarters of the Army, 

Washington, December i8, 1864. 
Maj.-Gen, W. T. Sherman, Savannah (via Hihon Head). 

My Dear General: Yours of the 13th, by Major Ander- 
son, is just received. I congratulate you on your splendid 
success, and shall very soon expect to hear of the crowning 
work of your campaign — the capture of Savannah. Your 
march will stand out prominently as the great one of this war. 
When Savannah falls, THEN FOR ANOTHER WIDE 
SWATH through the CENTER OF THE CONFEDERACY. 
BUT I WILL NOT ANTICIPATE. General Grant is 
expected here this morning, and will probably write you his 
own views. 

Should you capture Charleston, I hope by some ACCIDENT 
the place may be destroyed, and if a little salt should be sown 
upon its site, it may prevent the growth of future crops of 
nullification and secession. 

Yours truly, 

H. W. Halleck, 
Major-General, Chief of Stafif. 

Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi, 
In the Field, Savannah, December 24, 1864. 
Major-General H. W. Halleck, Chief-of-Staff, Washington, 

D. C. 

General: * * * Xo be sure, Jeff. Davis has his people 
under pretty good discipline, but I think faith in him is much 
shaken in Georgia, and BEFORE WE HAVE DONE WITH 
HER SOUTH CAROLINA WILL NOT BE QUITE SO 
TEMPESTUOUS. 

I WILL BEAR IN MIND your hint as to Charleston, and 
do not think "SALT" will be necessary. When I move, the 
Fifteenth Corps will be on the right of the right wing, and their 
position will naturally bring them into Charleston first ; and, if 
you have MARKED THE HISTORY OF THAT CORPS, 
you will have remarked that they generally DO THEIR 
WORK PRETTY WELL. THE TRUTH IS, THE 
WHOLE ARMY IS BURNING WITH AN INSATIABLE 
DESIRE TO WREAK VENGEANCE UPON SOUTH 
CAROLINA. I ALMOST TREMBLE AT HER FATE, 
BUT FEEL THAT SHE DESERVES ALL THAT SEEMS 
IN STORE FOR HER. Many and many a person in Georgia 
asked me why we did not go to South Carolina, and, when I 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 317 

answered that we were en route for that State, the invariable 
reply was, "Well, if you will make those people feel the utmost 
severities of war, we will pardon you for your desolation of 
Georgia." 

I LOOK UPON COLUMBIA as quite as bad as Charleston, 
and I doubt if we will spare the public buildings there as we did 
at Milledgeville. 

W. T. Sherman, 

Major-General. 

General Sherman says further : 

The truth is fully given in an original letter of President 
Lincoln, which I received at Savannah, Georgia, and have at 
this instant before me, every word of which is in his own 
familiar handwriting. It is dated — 

"Washington, December 26, 1864. 

"WHEN YOU WERE ABOUT LEAVING ATLANTA 
FOR THE ATLANTIC COAST, I was anxious, if not 
fearful ; but, feeling that you were the better judge, and remem- 
bering 'nothing risked, nothing gained,' I did not interfere. 
Now, the undertaking BEING A SUCCESS, THE HONOR 
IS ALL YOURS ; for I believe NONE OF US went further 
than to ACQUIESCE; and, taking the work of General 
Thomas into account, as it should be taken, it is indeed a great 
success. Not only does it afford the obvious and immediate 
military advantages, but, in showing to the world that your 
army could be divided, PUTTING THE STRONGER PART 
TO AN IMPORTANT NEW SERVICE, and yet leaving 
enough to vanquish the old opposing force of the whole. Hood's 
army, it brings those who sat in darkness to see a great light. 
BUT WHAT NEXT? I SUPPOSE IT WILL BE SAFER 
IF I LEAVE GENERAL GRANT AND YOURSELF TO 
DECIDE. 

"A. Lincoln." 

Apart from the "grand move" of General Sherman there 
was a reign of terror and scenes of devastation and pillage on 
a smaller scale in all parts of the Confederacy where Federal 
troops occupied the country. A few insertions are given 
that indicate the Federal policy, though hundreds might be 



318 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

quoted. The newspapers were full of accounts of the opera- 
tions and the people and soldiers of both sections were per- 
fectly familiar with the facts at the time the incidents 
occurred. 

But only the orders and reports of the most prominent 
officers of the Federal army are given as follows : 

Headquarters in the Field, 

Monocacy, Md., August 5, 1864. 
Maj.-Gen. D. Hunter, 

Commanding Department of West Virginia. 
General: Concentrate all your available forces without 
delay in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry. 

In pushing up the Shenandoah Valley, as it is expected you 
will have to go first or last, it is desirable that NOTHING 
SHOULD BE LEFT to invite the enemy to return. Take all 
provisions, forage, and stock wanted for the use of your com- 
mand ; such as cannot be consumed, destroy. It is not desirable 
that buildings should be destroyed, they should rather be pro- 
tected, but the people should be informed that so long as any 
army can subsist among them recurrences of these raids must 
be expected and we are determined to stop them at all hazards 
* * * giving regular vouchers for such as may be taken 
from loyal citizens. 

Very respectfully, 

U. S. Grant, 

Lieutenant-General. 

Berry ville, Va., August 17, 1864. 

Lieut.-Gen. U. S. Grant, 

Commanding Armies of the United States : 

All despatches have been received. 

******* 

The cavalry engagement in front of Front Royal was 

splendid ; it was on open ground. The saber was freely used 

by our men, 

******* 

Mosby has annoyed me and captured a few wagons. We 
hung one and shot six of his men yesterday. I have burned 
all wheat and hay, and brought off all stock, sheep, cattle, 
horses, etc., south of Winchester, 

P, H, Sheridan, 

Major-Genetal. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 319 

City Point^ Va., August 26, 1864, 
2.30 P. M. 
Major-General Sheridan, 

Halltown, Va. : 

Do all the damage to railroads and crops you can. Carry off 
stock of all descriptions, and negroes, so as to prevent further 
planting. If the war is to last another year we want the 
Shenandoah Valley to remain a barren waste. 

U. S. Grant, 

Lieutenant-General. 

Cedar Creek, October 11, 1864, 
7 P. M. 

:!« ^ ^ 5ts ^ ;[; 5k 

Lieutenant-Colonel Tolles, my Chief Quartermaster and 
Assistant Surgeon ; Emil Ohlenschlauger, Medical Director on 
my staff, were both mortally wounded by guerrillas to-day on 
their way to join me from Winchester; they were ambuscaded. 
Three men were killed and five wounded out of an escort of 
twenty-four. 

The refugees from Early's army, cavalry and infantry, are 
organizing guerrilla parties and are becoming very formidable 
and are annoying me very much. I KNOW OF NO WAY 
TO EXTERMINATE THEM EXCEPT TO BURN OUT 
THE WHOLE COUNTRY and let the people go north or 
south. If I attempt to capture them by sending out parties, 
they escape to the mountains on fleet horses. 

P. H. Sheridan, 

Major-General. 

Report of property captured and destroyed, Major-General 
Sheridan commanding, during the campaign commencing 
August 10, 1864, and ending November 16, 1864: 

Horses 3,772 Wheat (bushels) 435,802 

Mules 545 Oats (bushels) 20,000 

Flour Mills 71 Corn (bushels) 77,017 

Woolen Mill i Flour (barrels) 874 

Saw Mills 8 Hay (tons) 20,397 

Barns 1,200 Fodder (tons) 500 

Furnaces 7 Straw (tons) 450 

Tanneries 4 Beef Cattle 10,918 



320 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Calves 250 Bacon and Hams (lbs.) 12,000 

Sheep 12,000 Potatoes (bushels).... 2,500 

Swine 15,000 

P. H. Sheridan^ 
Major-General U. S. Army, Commanding. 

The operations of General Sheridan were the occasion of 
a letter of thanks as follows : 

Executive Mansion, Washington, October 22, 1864. 
Major-General Sheridan: 

With great pleasure I tender to you and your brave army, 
the thanks of the Nation, and my own personal admiration and 
gratitude, for the month's operations in the Shenandoah Valley, 
and especially for the splendid work of October 19, 1864. 
Your obedient servant, 

Abraham Lincoln. 



CHAPTER XXXII 

Trials of Confederates in progress — Lieut. S. B. Davis cap- 
tured — Bennett G. Burley ordered to be extradited to United 
States — Colonel Thompson writes to Confederate minister in 
England — British Government interferes and saves Burley — 
Ashbrook and Kennedy depart for the Confederacy — Lieu- 
tenant Davis sentenced to be hung — Colonel Thompson 
appeals to President Lincoln and Secretary of War Stanton 
on merits of the case — Successful proceedings in behalf of 
Davis — Capture, trial and execution of Kennedy. 

The trial of John Yates Beall was now in progress before 
a military commission in New York City ; also that of Ben- 
nett G. Burley before the Recorder at Toronto ; and that of 
Lieutenant Bennett H. Young and others at Montreal. 

A sensational despatch was published in the morning pa- 
pers at Toronto, on the 15th of January, 1865, announcing 
that Lieut. S. B. Davis, en route from Toronto to Richmond, 
had been captured at Newark, Ohio. He was searched and 
his despatches from Colonel Thompson to the authorities at 
Richmond were found. Under these circumstances Davis 
confessed that he was an officer in the Confederate Army and 
explained his presence in Ohio. He was sent to Cincinnati 
to be tried by court martial. 

The trial of Acting Master Bennett G. Burley ended by a 
decision of the Recorder, at Toronto, that while Burley w^as 
a Confederate officer and that the Confederate Government 
assumed all responsibility, yet that Burley was guilty of 
unlawful \varfare on Lake Erie. It was therefore ordered 
by the Recorder that Burley should be surrendered to the 
authorities of the United Sta'tes, An appeal was taken to 
the Supreme Court of Canada, which sustained the Recorder, 
but meanwhile Colonel Thompson had written the follow- 
ing letter to the Confederate Minister in England : 



322 confederate operations 

Toronto, Canada West, 

January 21, 1865. 
Hon. James M. Mason, Minister C. S. A., London. 

Sir : Inclosed I send you copies of the evidence in the case 
of Acting Master Bennett G. Burley, and the judgment of the 
Recorder of this city as committing magistrate. I think you 
will agree with me that in this case not only is a great outrage 
about to be perpetrated on a citizen, but a great wrong is to be 
done and an insult offered to the Confederate States. You will 
observe that in the United States Burley is charged with piracy ; 
in the proceedings in Canada he is charged with robbery. 
Burley is admitted on all hands to have been a belligerent, and 
he was engaged in a warlike expedition under the order of the 
Confederate Government. While the Recorder admits him to 
have acted in this character, yet while so acting he did an act 
not considered by the Recorder justified by the usages and 
practices of war. I wish to call the attention of the proper 
authorities of England to this case, and. if possible, induce them 
to instruct the Governor-General of Canada, by whom alone 
Burley can be extradited, to withhold this warrant of extra- 
dition. You will perceive by the manifesto of the President 
"that the Government of the Confederate States of America 
assumes the responsibility of answering for the acts and con- 
duct of any of its officers engaged in said expedition, and 
especially of the said Bennett G. Burley." In the event of a 
refusal to interfere and release the said Burley, I hope you will 
protest in the name of the Confederate States against his extra- 
dition. If you will refer to the history of the extradition treaty, 
you will observe that President Tyler expressly excludes from 
its application all such cases as the present. (See message of 
1842, communicating treaty to the Senate.) The parties deny 
having violated the neutrality laws of Great Britain, and are 
perfectly willing to be tried on such a charge, and abide the 
issue. Let me hear from you as soon as possible. Mr. 
Cameron, our counsel in the case, believes the matter of extra- 
dition can be put off until the Imperial Government shall have 
an opportunity to be heard from. 

I am, with great respect. 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Thompson, 
Commissioner C. S. A. 

While Mr. Mason had not been received officially as the 
Confederate Minister, yet his representations and presenta- 
tion of the record of the trial resulted in an order from the 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 323 

British Government to the Governor-General of Canada to 
hold up the delivery of Bennett G. Burley to the United 
States. After an investigation by the British authorities, 
Burley was set free in Canada. 

It seemed almost impossible now for a Confederate to leave 
Canada for the South without being followed by detectives, 
as Davis had been ; but Lieut. John T. Ashbrook and Capt. 
Robert Cobb Kennedy, the last of our friends to go, con- 
cluded to attempt the journey to the Confederacy. They 
bade us good-by and left on the Grand Trunk Railway, 
going west to Lake St. Clair, and crossed over to St. Clair 
station in Michigan, where they connected with a train going 
southward and west of Detroit. They started on the trip 
through Michigan in the early part of the night. The 
weather was extremely cold and a deep snow covered the 
ground. In entering the coach Kennedy and Ashbrook were 
unable to find seats together. Kennedy took the first vacant 
seat on entering the car while Ashbrook went on and finally 
found one near the front end of the car and next to the win- 
dow. They had traveled for about an hour when Ashbrook 
looking back observed two men enter the rear door and go 
straight to Kennedy. Without saying a word they seized him 
by each arm and made him a prisoner, as Ashbrook could 
see. There was some confusion among the passengers in 
adjacent seats though none got up. Kennedy submitted 
without a struggle. There was nothing else to do. Ash- 
brook could not afford to await events. The two men had 
pistols drawn. One of them looked forward a moment as 
if to locate him. He decided not to wait for any one to 
come in at his end of the car. It did not appear that he could 
successfully go to the rescue of Kennedy; and the question 
was as to how he could escape without risking an exit out 
of the front door, where he might expect to meet opposi- 
tion from that direction. He raised his window-sash, put one 
leg out, ducked his head and out he went in the darkness. 
Although the train was flying fortune favored Ashbrook. 
He fell upon the side of an embankment in the snow and 



324 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

rolled down into a ditch. When he got up he found that he 
had not sustained any injury whatever. He had alighted on 
his side as he aimed to do. The train sped away leaving him 
in the darkness, but he was greatly relieved to escape alive 
and sound. Still he must immediately find a highway where 
his tracks would be erased before morning or before pur- 
suers would find his trail. He succeeded, before walking 
far, in reaching a farm-house, and early next morning was 
conveyed across the country to a station on another railroad, 
where he caught a train and reached Cincinnati in safety. 
Here he found friends and readily made his way across 
Kentucky to the Confederacy. 

The two men who arrested Kennedy were United States 
detectives who had gone all the way from Toronto with 
Ashbrook and Kennedy. And except for the hasty exit of 
Ashbrook his arrest would have followed in a few minutes 
by others from a forward coach who had been telegraphed 
to come on board in Michigan. 

Meanwhile, Lieutenant Davis was tried by court martial 
at Cincinnati, declared to be guilty as a spy, and was ordered 
to be hung on the 17th day of February, at Johnson's Island. 

Colonel Thompson addressed a letter to President Lincoln 
in behalf of Lieutenant Davis as follows : 

Toronto, Canada, February 2, 1865. 
To His Excellency, A. Lincoln, President of the United 

States. 

Sir: The telegraph announces that Lieut. S. B. Davis, 
identified at Newark, Ohio, confessed, on his arrest, to being 
the bearer of important despatches from Richmond to Canada, 
has been sentenced to be hung at Johnson's Island on the 17th 
of February. Another paper states that Lieutenant Davis has 
been condemned as a spy. This young man's life is in your 
hands, and I hope you will allow me to discharge a duty I owe 
to you, to myself, to -Lieutenant Davis, to justice, and to 
humanity, to demonstrate fully the facts in the case, so far as 
they are known to me, on honor. 

Lieutenant Davis is a citizen of the State of Delaware, and 
has been for some time an officer in the Confederate service. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 325 

No braver or truer soldier can be found in either army. He 
is a gentleman of education, true in all his transactions, and 
beloved and respected by all who know him. In the trial of 
Acting Master Bennett G. Burley, a case for extradition, the 
Recorder at Toronto has postponed the investigation for thirty 
days to enable the accused to obtain certain documentary evi- 
dence deemed important to his defense, from Richmond. The 
Government at Richmond was duly informed of this. Mr. 
Burley's counsel deemed these documents essential, and Lieu- 
tenant Davis volunteered to bring them to Canada. As he was 
pressed for time, he came direct through the United States and 
reached here in six days, which was regarded a most expedi- 
tious trip. It was impossible for him on this trip to have acted 
the spy in any sense of that term. He remained here but three 
days in all. Lieutenant Davis was directed to return by the 
most certain route to Richmond, with all possible despatch, in 
order that the authorities might furnish the documents asked 
for by the counsel of the accused. The whole object and aim 
of his coming here was to obtain the proofs deemed necessary 
to secure the administering of justice to his former companion 
in arms. As I received the despatches he brought and wrote 
those he carried, I know every word in them, and as every word 
related to the case then undergoing judicial investigation, there 
could have been no objection to your reading them; hence I 
know that, however much you may desire to crush out the 
Confederate States Government, it must be repugnant to your 
sense of right and justice and humanity to pursue individuals 
with unnecessary harshness. When Lieutenant Davis was 
arrested he was on the very route he had advised me he would 
take in order to avoid all contact with the military authorities. 
He was expecting to gain no information with respect to the 
movements of your armies, nor do I believe he sought to do so. 
As a private citizen speaking to one clothed with authority, I 
ask you to spare this young man's life, not from any favor to 
me, but for the sake of justice, humanity, and all the conditions 
which control intercourse between hostile people. You have a 
right to retain him as a prisoner of war, but I declare on honor 
he is not a spy. 

Very respectfully yours, 
(Signed.) ' Jacob Thompson. 

He also wrote a similar letter to Hon. E. M. Stanton, Sec- 
retary of War of the United States. The letter to Stanton 



326 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

contained some reference to the past. Thompson and 
Stanton had served together in the Cabinet of President 
James Buchanan. Davis was saved and finally set at liberty. 
Captain Kennedy was forwarded to New York City, where 
he was imprisoned in Fort Lafayette. His trial by military 
commission was promptly held. I am unable to present the 
names or testimony of the witnesses but give the result as 
follows : 

Headquarters Department of the East, 

New York City, March 20, 1865. 
General Orders No. 24. 

I. Before a military commission, which convened at Fort 
Lafayette, New York Harbor, and at New York City, by virtue 
of Special Orders, No. 14, current series, from these head- 
quarters, of January 17, 1865, and of which Brig.-Gen. Fitz- 
Henry Warren, U. S. Volunteers, is president, was arraigned 
and tried : 

ROBERT C. KENNEDY. 

Charge i; Acting as a spy. 

Specification i. — In this, that Robert C. Kennedy, a captain 
in the military service of the insurgent States, was found acting 
as a spy in the city of New York, in the State of New York, on 
or about the ist day of November, 1864. 

Specification 2. — In this, that Robert C. Kennedy, a captain 
in the military service of the insurgent States, was found acting 
as a spy in the city of Detroit, in the State of Michigan, on or 
about the 29th day of December, 1864. 

Charge 2. Violation of the laws of war. 

Specification. — In this, that Robert C. Kennedy, a captain in 
the military service of the insurgent States, undertook to carry 
on irregular and unlawful warfare in the city and State of New 
York, and in the execution of said undertaking attempted to 
burn and destroy said city of New York by setting fire thereto. 
All this in said city of New York on or about the 25th day of 
November, 1864. 

To which charges and specifications the accused pleaded not 
guilty. 

The verdict was guilty on all the charges. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 327 

SENTENCE, 

And thereupon the commission sentence him, said Robert C. 
Kennedy, captain in the military service of the insurgent States, 
to be hanged by the neck until dead, at such time and place as 
the general in command of the department may direct, two- 
thirds of the members concurring therein. 

II. The major-general commanding approves the proceed- 
ings, finding, and sentence of the court. It is shown by the 
testimony : 

1. That the accused has been an officer in the service of the 
insurgent States since August, 1861. 

2. That he was in the city of New York in disguise, and under 
a false name, in the month of November, several weeks immedi- 
ately preceding the attempt to set the city on fire. 

3. That he was here for a purpose which he refused to dis- 
close, and that he returned hastily by night to Canada. 

4. That he stated in the presence of several persons that he 
set fire to Barnum's Museum and to one of the "down-town" 
hotels. 

5. That he was arrested at Detroit in disguise, armed with a 
revolver, traveling under a false name, and with a passport 
representing himself to be a loyal citizen. 

On proof of these facts he was convicted of acting as a spy 
and carrying on irregular and illegal warfare. The person who 
testified to his confession of having set on fire Barnum's 
Museum and one of the hotels in the lower part of the city was 
not under duress or an accompHce, was a reluctant witness, and 
could have had no motive to make a false statement. He is 
corroborated by other testimony. 

The attempt to set fire to the city of New York is one of the 
greatest atrocities of the age. There is nothing in the annals of 
barbarism which evinces greater vindictiveness. It was not a 
mere attempt to destroy the city, but to set fire to crowded hotels 
and places of public resort, in order to secure the greatest 
possible destruction of human life. The evidence shows that 
Barnum's Museum and ten hotels were fired on the evening of 
the 25th of November, the fires in most of them breaking out in 
quick succession, and indicating not only deliberate and complex 
design and concert on the part of the incendiaries, but a cool 
calculation to create so many conflagrations at the same time as 
to baffle the efforts of the fire department to extinguish them. 
In all the buildings fired, not only non-combatant men, but 
women and children, were congregated in great numbers, and 



328 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

nothing but the most diaboHcal spirit of revenge could have 
impelled the incendiaries to act so revoltingly. 

The participation of the accused in this inhuman enterprise is 
a crime, which follows him, and his liability to answer for it is 
not to be cast off by withdrawing for a time from the jurisdic- 
tion within which it was committed. He has not only been 
guilty of carrying on irregular warfare, in violation of the 
usages of civilized States in the conduct of war, but he has, by 
outraging every principle of humanity, incurred the highest 
penalty known to the law. 

His escape to Canada was followed in a few days by his return 
to the United States, again in disguise, with a new name, and 
personating a loyal citizen, while holding a commission in the 
service of the insurgents, thus furnishing the highest prima facie 
evidence that he was acting as a spy. No rebutting evidence 
was produced on the trial, although it continued twenty-three 
days, of which fifteen were given to the accused, by adjourn- 
ments, to procure testimony and prepare his defense. Two 
papers were read as a part of his address to the court — one a 
pledge given to the transportation agent in Canada to return 
with all due diligence "to the Confederacy," and the other a 
certificate made by him that he was a citizen of the State of 
Louisiana, with a request that he might be provided with means 
to return "to the Confederacy." Admitting their genuineness, 
they do not repel the presumption raised by the circumstances 
attending his arrest — the disguise and the false pretenses with 
which he was found within our lines. His flight to Canada was 
not a return within the lines of his own army. If he had found 
his way back to the insurgent States and had been subsequently 
captured in battle he could not have been convicted under the 
first specification of the first charge. But neither of these facts 
exist to remove or terminate his liability to conviction under 
that specification. 

Whatever question may exist as to the effect of his return to 
Canada after having lurked as a spy, as charged in the first 
specification, no such question can arise as to his guilt as a spy, 
as charged in the second specification, which sets forth an 
offense entirely distinct from the first, of which he has been 
convicted on full proof. 

The major-general commanding considers his duty as clear in 
this case as that of Beall. The lives, the property, the domestic 
security of non-combatant citizens must be protected against all- 
invasion not in strict accordance with the laws and usages of 
civilized Sfates in the conduct of war. Crimes which outrage 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 329 

and shock the moral sense by their atrocity must not only be 
punished and the perpetrators deprived of the power of repeat- 
ing them, but the sternest condemnation of the law must be 
presented to others to deter them from the commission of similar 
enormities. 

Robert C. Kennedy will be hanged by the neck till he is dead 
at Fort Lafayette, New York Harbor, on Saturday, the 25th 
day of March, instant, between the hours of 12 noon and 2 in 
the afternoon. 

The commanding officer of Fort Lafayette is charged with 
the execution of this order. 

By command of Major-General Dix: 

D. T. Van Buren, 
Colonel and Assistant Adjutant-General. 

It appears that Captain Kennedy made a confession on 
the early morning of the day of his execution which is 
reported by the Federal authorities as follows : 

Fort Lafayette, March 25, 1865. — 6 a. m. 
Major-General Dix, 

Headquarters Department of the East, New York. 
Sir : I have the honor to report that last night, about half 
after 10 o'clock, I visited Kennedy, taking with me Mr. Howard, 
of the New York Times. After some conversation relative to 
the matter for which he has been sentenced, he made the follow- 
ing confession. He requested that I would make no use of his 
confession to his detriment, in case a respite or reprieve should 
be received. 

I have the honor to remain, respectfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

Martin Burke, 
Lieutenant-Colonel, Commanding. 

"Confession of Robert C. Kennedy. 

"After my escape from Johnson's Island I went to Canada, 
where I met a number of Confederates. They asked me if I 
was willing to go on an expedition. I replied, 'Yes, if it is in 
the service of my country.' They said, 'It's all right,' but gave 
no intimation of its nature, nor did I ask for any. I was then 
sent to New York, where I stayed some time. There were 
eight men in our party, of whom two fled to Canada. After we 



330 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

had been in New York three weeks we were told that the object 
of the expedition was to retahate on the North for the atrocities 
in the Shenandoah Valley. It was designed to set fire to the 
city on the night of the Presidential election, but the phosphorus 
was not ready and it was put off until the 25th of November. 
I was stopping at the Belmont House, but moved into Prince 
street. I set fire to four places — Barnum's Museum, Lovejoy's 
Hotel, Tammany Hotel, and the New England House. The 
others only started fires in the house where each was lodging 
and then ran off. Had they all done as I did we would have had 
thirty-two fires and played a huge joke on the fire department. 
I know that I am to be hung for setting fire to Barnum's 
Museum, but that was only a joke. I had no idea of doing it. 
I had been drinking and went in there with a friend, and just to 
scare the people, I emptied a bottle of phosphorus on the floor. 
We knew it wouldn't set fire to the wood, for we had tried it 
before, and at one time concluded to give the whole thing up, 

"There was no fiendishness about it. After setting fire to 
my four places I walked the streets all night and went to the 
Exchange Hotel early in the morning. We all met there that 
morning and the next night. My friend and I had rooms there, 
but we sat in the office nearly all the time reading the papers, 
while we were watched by the detectives, of whom the hotel was 
full. I expected to die then, and if I had it would have been 
all right; but now it seems rather hard. I escaped to Canada, 
and was glad enough when I crossed the bridge in safety. 

"I desired, however, to return to my command, and started 
with my friend for the Confederacy via Detroit. Just before 
entering the city he received an intimation that the detectives 
were on the lookout for us, and, giving me a signal, he jumped 
from the cars. I didn't notice the signal, but kept on and was 
arrested in the depot. 

"I wish to say that killing women and children was the last 
thing thought of. We wanted to let the people of the North 
understand that there are two sides to this war, and that they 
can't be rolling in wealth and comfort while we at the South 
are bearing all the hardships and privations. 

"In retaliation for Sheridan's atrocities in the Shenandoah 
Valley we desired to destroy property, not the lives of women 
and children, although that would of course have followed in 
its train. 

"Done in the presence of Lieutenant-Colonel Burke." 

Under date of March 25, 1865, Lieut. -Col. Martin Burke 
reported to Gen. John A. Dix the execution of Kennedy. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 331 

Captain Robert Cobb Kennedy was related to the Cobb 
family of Georgia. His home was in Louisiana. I supposed 
him to be at the time of his death about 26 years old. He 
possessed all the attributes of a gentleman, and was sincere, 
true, intelligent, and absolutely fearless. 



CHAPTER XXXIII 

Operations of General Sherman in South CaroHna, and General 
Hunter in Virginia — General Early retaliates in Pennsylvania. 

In the mean time, General Sherman had begiun his march 
into South Carolina, having- started from Savannah on the 
19th of January. It was uncertain at first whether he would 
go through the center or not. We all believed he would go 
direct to Charleston. 

General Sherman says : 

I determined to go in person to Pocotaligo, and there act as 
though we were bound for Charleston. On the 24th of January 
I started from Beaufort with part of my staff, leaving the rest 
to follow at leisure, rode across the island to a pontoon-bridge 
that spanned the channel between it and the mainland, and 
thence rode by Garden's Corners to a plantation not far from 
Pocotaligo, occupied by General Blair. There we found a 
house, with a majestic avenue of live-oaks, whose limbs had 
been cut away by the troops for firewood, and desolation marked 
one of those splendid South Carolina estates where the proprie- 
tors formerly had dispensed a hospitality that distinguished the 
old regime of that proud State. I slept on the floor of the house, 
but the night was so bitter cold that I got up by the fire several 
times, and when it burned low I rekindled it with an old mantel- 
clock and the wreck of a bedstead which stood in a corner of the 
room — the only act of vandalism that I recall done by myself 
personally during the war. 

We therefore rested quietly about Pocotaligo, collecting stores 
and making final preparations until the ist of February. 

Across the Congaree River lay the city of Columbia, in plain, 
easy view. I could see the unfinished State-House, and the 
ruins of the railroad depot, which were still smouldering. 
Occasionally a few citizens or cavalry could be seen running 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 333 

across tlile streets, and quite a number of negroes were seemingly- 
busy in carrying off bags of grain or meal, which were piled up 
near the burned depot. 

Captain De Gres had a section of his twenty-pound Parrott 
guns unlimbered, firing into the town. I asked him what he 
was firing for ; he said he could see some rebel cavalry occasion- 
ally at the intersection of the streets, and he had an idea that 
there was a large force of infantry concealed on the opposite 
bank, lying low, in case we should attempt to cross over directly 
into the town. I instructed him not to fire any more into the 
town, but consented to his bursting a few shells near the depot, 
to scare away the negroes who were appropriating the bags of 
corn and meal which we wanted, also to fire three shots at the 
unoccupied State-House. I stood by and saw these fired, and 
then all firing ceased. Although this matter of firing into 
Columbia has been the subject of much abuse and investigation, 
I have yet to hear of any single person having been killed in 
Columbia by our cannon. 

In this connection it may not be amiss to make a correc- 
tion and insert an account of one casualty which doubtless 
escaped the attention of General Sherman during his sojourn 
in Columbia. It is as follows : 

*The Executive Mansion of the State of South Carolina, 
situated at Columbia, is a quaint structure of stone. The old 
house is spacious and well built, and has many noble chambers, 
among them a banquet hall and a great reception or ball-room. 
It has been the scene of many important political, and of some 
splendid social gatherings. It has also been the scene of one 
tragedy which occurred during the latter part of the war, when 
the Northern forces across the Congaree River were shelling 
Columbia. This tragedy was the marriage of Anne Pickens, 
the daughter of Governor Francis W. Pickens, to Lieutenant 
Le Rochelle, and the death of the bride which followed immedi- 
ately after the ceremony. 

On the afternoon preceding the evening of the marriage, the 
Northern army began shelling Columbia, but preparations for 
the wedding continued. Finally the guests were all assembled 
and the mansion was ablaze with light, fragrant with flowers 
and joyous with music, although the occasional dull whirr of a 



*Ladies' Home Journal, October, 1900, by Mrs. Thaddeus Horton. 



334 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

cannon ball kept the company aware that danger was not far off. 
The clergyman stood beneath the chandelier and in the white 
robe of his office. The groom in his regimentals, and the bride, 
tall and stately, fair and lovely in her snowy bridal gown, walked 
into the crowded chamber and paused before him. 

The clergyman was proceeding with the solemn ceremony, 
and had just joined the right hands of the happy pair wh-en, 
suddenly, there was an awful crash, and a ball from the enemy's 
cannon penetrated the mansion and burst in the middle of the 
marriage chamber, scattering its death-dealing missiles in every 
direction. There were screams and heartrending groans ; 
mirrors crashed ; the house shook ; women fainted ; and walls 
rocked to and fro. 

When the first confusion was over it was discovered that in 
all the crowd only one person was injured, and that was the 
bride herself. She lay partly on the floor and partly in her 
lover's arms, crushed and bleeding, pale but very beautiful, her 
bridal gown drenched with warm blood, and a great cut in her 
breast. Laying her on a lounge the frantic bridegroom besought 
her by every term of tenderness and endearment to allow the 
ceremony to proceed, to which she weakly gave consent, and 
lying like a crushed flower, no less white than the camelias of 
her bridal bouquet, her breath coming in sharp gasps, and the 
blood flowing from this great, angry wound, she murmured 
"yes" to the clergyman, and received her husband's first kiss. 
A moment more and all was over. 

Annie Pickens Le Rochelle was laid to rest under the 
magnolias, and the heartbroken bridegroom, reckless with 
despair, returned to his regiment. 

General Sherman continued : 

I sat with General Howard on a log, watching the men lay 
this bridge; and about 9 or 10 a. m., a messenger came from 
Colonel Stone on the other side, saying that the Mayor of 
Columbia had come out of the city to surrender the place, and 
asking for orders. I simply remarked to General Howard that 
he had his orders, to let Colonel Stone go on into the city, and 
that we would follow as soon as the bridge was ready. 

Having walked over much of the suburbs of Columbia in the 
afternoon, and being tired, I lay down on a bed in Blanton 
Duncan's house to rest. Soon after dark I became conscious 
that a bright light was shining on the walls ; and calling some 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 335 

one of my staff (Alajor Nichols, I think) to inquire the cause, 
he said there seemed to be a house on fire down about the market 
house. The same high wind still prevailed, and, FEARING 
THE CONSEQUENCES, I bade him go in person to see if the 
PROVOST-GUARD WAS DOING ITS DUTY. * * * 
Fortunately, about 3 or 4 a. m., the wind moderated, and grad- 
ually the fire was got under control ; but it had burned out the 
very heart of the city, embracing several churches, the old State- 
House, and the school or asylum of that very Sister of Charity 
who had appealed for my personal protection. Nickerson's 
Hotel, in which several of my staff were quartered, was burned 
down, but the houses occupied by myself, Generals Howard and 
Logan, were not burned at all. Many of the people thought 
that this fire was deliberately planned and executed. This is 
not true. 

Having utta'ly ruined Columbia, the right zving began its 
march northzvard, toward Winnsboro, on the 20th, which we 
reached on the 21st, and found General Slocum, with the left 
wing, who had come by way of Alston. 



General Sherman, for ten years after the war, left those 
who idolized his character to beKeve and circulate the accu- 
sation that General Wade Hampton had set fire to Columbia 
or had it done when his last troops evacuated the city, but 
now General Sherman says : 

IN MY OFFICIAL REPORT OF THIS CONFLAGRA- 
TION, I DISTINCTLY CHARGED IT TO GEN. WADE 
HAMPTON, AND CONFESS I DID SO POINTEDLY, 
TO SHAKE THE FAITH OF HIS PEOPLE IN HIM, ETC. 

Major-General Henry W. Slocum, commrmding a corps 
of Sherman's army on the "grand move," was a witness of 
the burning of Columbia. He says : 

During the night of February 17th the greater portion of 
the city of Columbia was burned. The lurid flames could easily 
be seen from my camp, many miles distant. Nearly all the 
public buildings, several churches, an orphan asylum, and many 
of the residences were destroyed. The city was filled with 



336 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

helpless women and children and invalids, many of whom were 
rendered houseless and homeless in a single night. No sadder 
scene was presented during the war. The suffering of so many 
helpless and innocent persons could not but move the hardest 
heart. The question as to who was immediately responsible 
for this disaster has given rise to some controversy. I do not 
believe that General Sherman countenanced or was in any 
degree responsible for it. I believe the immediate cause of the 
disaster was a free use of whisky (which was supplied to the 
soldiers by citizens with great liberality). A drunken soldier 
with a musket in one hand and a match in the other is not a 
pleasant visitor to have about the house on a dark, windy night. 

General Sherman in an effort to defeat the payment of a 
claim for damages by writing a letter to the United States 
Senate, in April, 1866, charged the burning of Columbia 
upon the citizens and General Wade Hampton. Here is 
General Hampton's exposure nine years before the confession 
of General Sherman : 

Wild Woods, Mississippi, April 21, 1866. 
To Hon. Reverdy Johnson, United States Senate. 

Sir : A few days ago I saw in the published proceedings of 
Congress that a petition from Benjamin Kawles, of Columbia, 
South Carolina, asking for compensation for the destruction of 
his house by the Federal army, in February, 1865, had been 
presented to the Senate, accompanied by a letter from Major- 
General Sherman. In this letter General Sherman uses the 
following language : "The citizens of Columbia set fire to thou- 
sands of bales of cotton rolled out into the streets, and which 
were burning before we entered Columbia; I, myself, was in 
the city as early as nine o'clock, and I saw these fires, and knew 
that efforts were made to extinguish them, but a high and strong 
wind prevented. I gave no orders for the burning of your city, 
but, on the contrary, the conflagration resulted from the great 
imprudence of cutting the cotton bales, whereby the contents 
were spread to the wind, so that it became an impossibility to 
arrest the fire. I saw in your Columbia newspaper the printed 
order of Gen. Wade Hampton, that on the approach of the 
Yankee army all the cotton should thus be burned, and, from 
what I saw myself, I have no hesitation in saying that he was 
the cause of the destruction of your city." 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 337 

I deny, emphatically, that any cotton was fired in Columbia 
by my order. I deny that citizens "set fire to thousands of bales 
rolled out into streets." I deny that any cotton was on fire 
when the Federal troops entered the city. I most respectfully 
ask of Congress to appoint a committee, charged with the duty 
of ascertaining and reporting all the facts connected with the 
destruction of Columbia, and thus fixing upon the proper author 
of that enormous crime the infamy he richly deserves. I am 
willing to submit the case to any honest tribunal. Before any 
such I pledge myself to prove that I gave a positive order, by 
direction of General Beauregard, that no cotton should be fired ; 
that not one bale was on fire when General Sherman's troops 
took possession of the city ; that he promised protection to the 
city, and that, in spite of his solemn promise, he burned the city 
to the ground, deliberately, systematically, and atrociously. 
* * * Trusting that you will pardon me for troubling you, 
I am, very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

Wade Hampton. 

It will now not be unfair to- submit the story of the war- 
fare carried on by the Federals in the Southern States, which 
was perfectly familiar, at all periods, to the soldiers of the 
South and to the Confederate Government. The people of 
the North who applauded the war upon the South derived 
their chief comfort from the miseries of its inhabitants. 

Alexander H. Stephens says : 

I refer not only to the general sacking of private houses — the 
pillaging of money, plate, jewels, and works of art, paintings, 
pictures, private manuscripts and family relics ; but I allude, 
besides these things, especially to the hostile acts directly against 
property of all kinds, as well as outrages upon non-combatants — 
to the laying waste of whole sections of country ; the attempted 
annihilation of all the necessaries of life ; to the wanton killing, 
in many instances, of farm stock and domestic animals; the 
burning of mills, factories and barns, with their contents of 
grain and forage, not sparing orchards or growing crops, or the 
implements of husbandry; the mutilation of county and 
municipal records of great value; the extraordinary efiforts 
made to stir up servile insurrections, involving the widespread 



338 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

slaughter of women and children ; the impious profanation of 
temples of worship, and even the brutish desecration of the 
sanctuaries of the dead. 



On June 19, 1864, Major-General Hunter began his 
retreat from before Lynchburg down the Shenandoah Val- 
ley. Lieutenant-General Early, who followed in pursuit, 
thus describes the destruction he witnessed along the route : 

Houses had been burned, and helpless women and children 
left without shelter. The country had been stripped of pro- 
visions, and many families left without a morsel to eat. Furni- 
ture and bedding had been cut to pieces, and old men and 
women and children robbed of all the clothing they had, except 
that on their backs. Ladies' trunks had been rifled, and their 
dresses torn to pieces in mere wantonness. Even the negro 
girls had lost their little finery. At Lexington he had burned 
the military institute with all its contents, including its library 
and scientific apparatus. Washington College had been plun- 
dered, and the statue of Washington stolen. The residence of 
ex-Governor Letcher at that place had been burned by orders, 
and but a few minutes given Mrs. Letcher and her family to 
leave the house. In the county a most excellent Christian 
gentleman, a Mr. Creigh, had been hung, because, on a former 
occasion, he had killed a straggling and marauding Federal 
soldier while in the act of insulting and outraging the ladies of 
his family. 

While at Martinsburg it was ascertained beyond all doubt that 
Hunter had been again indulging in his favorite mode of war- 
fare, and that, after his return to the Valley, while we were near 
Washington, among other outrages, the private residences of 
Mr. Andrew Hunter, a member of the Virginia Senate, Mr. 
Alexander R. Boteler, an ex-member of the Confederate Con- 
gress, as well as of the United States Congress, and Edmund L 
Lee, a distant relative of General Lee, all in Jefferson County, 
with their contents, had been burned by his orders, only time 
enough being given for the ladies to get out of the house. A 
number of towns in the South, as well as private country-houses, 
had been burned by Federal troops, and the accounts had been 
heralded forth in some of the Northern papers in terms of 
exultation, and gloated over by their readers, while they were 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 339 

received with apathy by others. I now came to the conclusion 
that we had stood this mode of warfare long- enough, and that it 
was time to open the eyes of the people of the North to its 
enormity by an example in the way of retaliation. I did not 
select the cases mentioned as having more merit or greater 
claims for retaliation than others, but because they had occurred 
within the limits of the country covered by my command, and 
were brought more immediately to my attention. 

The town of Chambersburg was selected as the one on which 
retaliation should be made, and McCausland was ordered to 
proceed with his brigade and that of Johnson's and a battery of 
artillery to that place, and demand of the municipal authorities 
the sum of one hundred thousand dollars in gold, or five hun- 
dred thousand dollars in United States currency, as a compen- 
sation for the destruction of the houses named and their con- 
tents ; and in default of payment to lay the town in ashes, in 
retaliation for the burning of those houses and others in Vir- 
ginia, as well as for the towns which had been burned in other 
Southern States. A written demand to that effect was also sent 
to the municipal authorities, and they were informed what 
would be the result of a failure or a refusal to comply with it. 
I desired to give the people of Chambersburg an opportunity of 
saving their town, by making compensation for part of the 
injury done, and hoped that the payment of such a sum would 
have the desired effect, and open the eyes of people of other 
towns at the North to the necessity of urging upon their Gov- 
ernment the adoption of a different policy. 

On July 30th McCausland reached Chambersburg, and made 
the demand as directed, reading to such of the authorities as 
presented themselves the paper sent by me. The demand was 
not complied with, the people stating that they were not afraid 
of having their town burned, and that a Federal force was 
approaching. The policy pursued by our army on former 
occasions had been so lenient that they did not suppose the threat 
was in earnest at this time^, and they hoped for speedy relief. 
McCausland, however, proceeded to carry out his orders, and 
the greater part of the town was laid in ashes. He then moved 
in the direction of Cumberland, but found it defended by a 
strong force. He then withdrew and crossed the Potomac, near 
the mouth of the South Branch, capturing the garrison and 
partly destroying the railroad bridge. Averill pursued from 
Chambersburg, and surprised and routed Johnson's brigade, 
and caused a loss of four pieces of artillery and about three 
hundred prisoners from the whole command. 



CHAPTER XXXIV 

Trial of John Yates Beall by military commission — Character 
as a Confederate officer established — His acts authorized and 
approved by the Confederate Government — Arguments of 
counsel. 

The imprisonment of Captain Beall and George S. Ander- 
son at Fort • Lafayette, New York, was in separate cells. 
Beall was manacled with irons. Anderson, it appears, agreed 
upon terms with the Federal military authorities under 
which he was to appear as a witness against Beall and him- 
self to be set free. The fact that Beall and Anderson were 
serving under Colonel Martin and were escaping to Canada 
from the Bufifalo-Dunkirk: expedition was then disclosed by 
Anderson. Through this witness, of course, the name, Con- 
federate character of Beall, and the purposes of the expedition 
were given to the authorities so far as Anderson had knowl- 
edge. A military commission was then ordered by General 
John A. Dix, for the trial of Captain Beall, as follows : 

General Orders No. 14. 

Headquarters Department of the East, 

New York City, January 17th, 1865. 

6. A military commission, to consist of the following named 
officers, will assemble at Fort Lafayette, N. Y. H., at 11 a. m., 
on Friday, January 20th, 1865, or as soon thereafter as practi- 
cable, for the trial of such cases as may be brought before it, by 
orders from these headquarters, to sit without regard to hours, 
and to hold its sessions in New York City, if the convenience 
require it ; four members to constitute a quorum, for the trans- 
action of business. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 341 



DETAIL FOR THE COURT. 



Brig.-Gen. Fitz Henry Warren, U. S. V. ; Brig.-Gen. W. H. 
Morris, U. S. V. ; Col. M. S. Howe, Third U. S. Cavalry ; 
Col. H. Day, U. S. A. ; Brev. Lieut.-Col. R. F. O'Bierne, 
Fourteenth U. S. Infantry; Major G. W. Wallace, Sixth 
U. S. Infantry. Major John A. Bolles, A. D. C, is 
appointed Judge-Advocate. 
By command of Major-General Dix : 

D. T. Van Buren, 
Assistant Adjutant-General. 

The official record of the trial shows that the first session 
of the military commission was held on the 17th day of 
January, 1865. A postponement was granted to allow Beall 
to procure counsel and the trial began on the ist day of 
February, Hon. James T. Brady of New York appeared 
as the attorney of Captain Beall, The charges and specifica- 
tions against Captain Beall were as follows : 

Charge i. Violation of the laws of war. 

Specification i. In this that John Y, Beall, a citizen of the 
insurgent State of Virginia, did on or about the 19th day of 
September, 1864, at or near Kelley's Island, in the State of Ohio, 
without lawful authority, and by force of arms, seize and cap- 
ture the steamboat Philo Parsons. 

Specification 2. In this that John Y, Beall, a citizen of the 
insurgent State of Virginia, did on or about the 19th day of 
September, 1864, at or near Middle Bass Island, in the State of 
Ohio, without lawful authority, and by force of arms, seize, 
capture and sink the steamboat Island Queen. 

Specification 3. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the 
insurgent State of Virginia, was found acting as a spy at or 
near Kelley's Island, in the State of Ohio, on or about the 19th 
day of September, 1864. 

Specification 4. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the 
insurgent State of Virginia, was found acting as a spy on or 
about the 19th day of September, 1864, at or near Middle Bass 
Island, in the State of Ohio. 

Specification 5. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the 
insurgent State of Virginia, was found acting as a spy on or 
about the i6th day of December, 1864, at or near Suspension 
Bridge in the State of New York. 



342 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Specification 6. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the 
insurgent State of Virginia, being without lawful authority, and 
for unlawful purposes, in the State of New York, did in the 
said State of New York undertake to carry on irregular and 
unlawful warfare as a guerrilla; and in the execution of said 
undertaking, attempted to destroy the lives and property of the 
peaceable and unoffending inhabitants of said State, and of 
persons therein traveling, by throwing a train of cars and the 
passengers in said cars from the railroad track, on the railroad 
between Dunkirk and Buffalo, by placing obstructions across 
said track ; all this in said State of New York, and on or about 
the 15th day of December, 1864, at or near Buffalo. 

Charge 2. Acting as a spy. 

Specification i. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the 
insurgent State of Virginia, was found acting as a spy in the 
State of Ohio, at or near Kelley's Island, on or about the 19th 
day of September, 1864. 

Specification 2. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the 
insurgent State of Virginia, was found acting as a spy in the 
State of Ohio, on or about the 19th day of September, 1864, at 
or near Middle Bass Island. 

Specification 3. In this that John Y. Beall, a citizen of the 
insurgent State of Virginia, was found acting as a spy in the 
State of New York, at or near Suspension Bridge, on or about 
the 1 6th day of December, 1864. 

John A. Bolles, Major and A. D. C, 

Judge-Advocate. 

The fact that a trial was in progress, and in fact the arrest 
of Captain Beall and Anderson, was not published in any of 
the Northern newspapers. The Confederate authorities in 
Richmond, therefore, were kept in ignorance of the whole 
proceeding; otherwise, the treatment of Beall as a prisoner 
of war would have been demanded and enforced by threats 
of retaliation, as was done in the case of the privateers who 
were condemned to be hung at Philadelphia, in 1861, and 
Beall would have been saved. 

The prosecution introduced David H. Thomas, a police 
officer of Niagara, New York, who testified that he and 
another police officer, named Saule, arrested Beall and 
Anderson, in the depot of the New York Central Railroad 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 343 

Company, at Niagara City, on the i6th day of December, 
1864, at about 9 or lo o'clock at night. He said Beall and 
Anderson were sitting on a settee ; that he seized Beall and 
Saule took Anderson while both were asleep. 

W. O. Ashley, the clerk who commanded the Philo 
Parsons on Lake Erie, recognized Beall and testified to the 
capture of his boat in Ohio waters, and that he delivered the 
boat's books, papers, and money ($100) over to Beall and 
Burley; that they took no personal property from him or 
others. He said his vessel was captured within six miles of 
Johnson's Island. I quote a short extract from the testi- 
mony of the only passenger introduced by the prosecution, 
as follows : 

The Judge-Advocate then called William Weston, a witness 
for the prosecution. 

Q. Have you ever seen the accused, Captain Beall, before? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. When for the first time, and where ? 

A. The first time I saw him was on board the PhiJo Parsons, 
on the 19th of September last. 

Q. State what you saw him do, and what you heard him say ? 

A. After the capture of the boat, and we got a little excited, 
he came forward and told us what they were going to do with 
us, and the boat ; I was a passenger on board ; he said they were 
not going to hurt or harm any of us, and that they would land 
us as soon as they saw fit. He also stated that he was an 
escaped prisoner from Johnson's Island, and that they had taken 
the boat for the purpose of capturing the United States vessel 
Michigan. He said they were going to liberate the prisoners on 
Johnson's Island, and were going to destroy the commerce on 
the Lakes ; that is all I recollect he said. 

Q. Did you ever see what was done with any of the freight 
on board the Philo Parsons after the boat was seized? 

A. I did not see them do anything with the freight, only they 
threw out one of my boxes, that I got afterwards on the beach, 
that was pitched out ; that was after they landed us on the 
island ; they pitched one of my boxes into the water. * * * 

The prosecution introduced George S. Anderson, the com- 
rade of Beall, who detailed the story of the expedition to 



344 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Buffalo and Dunkirk. There are quite a number of errors in 
his statements but they are not of particular interest. 

There was no defense for Captain Beall except that his 
warfare was authorized by the Confederate Government. It 
should be said here that Captain Beall was not a spy because 
he was not within the lines of an army or a camp of the 
enemy, and was not seeking information. He was not a 
guerrilla because he was acting by authority. He was a 
Confederate "raider" upon the enemy's country. 

It would be fair perhaps to note that Captain Beall was 
tried in the same manner that Generals Paine, Burbridge, 
and Burnside tried all Confederate officers and soldiers who 
were captured in the rear or north of the Federal armies. 
These were denounced and condemned as spies and guerrillas, 
and seldom had any means of making a defense, or of calling 
upon their Government for relief. General Sheridan gen- 
erally executed Mosby's men as soon as captured. And this 
was the proceeding of the others in most cases. 

An affidavit of Colonel Robert M. Martin, made at 
Toronto and showing the authority and orders for the 
Buffalo-Dunkirk expedition, was produced and offered but 
was not allowed in evidence by the military commission. 
Mr. Brady, however, introduced as evidence Exhibits E and 
F. The latter had been brought from Richmond by Lieu- 
tenant S. B. Davis for the defense of Bennett G. Burley in 
Canada. It was equally applicable in Beall's case as he was 
the commander of the expedition. The exhibits marked A, 
B, and C are letters that Beall wrote in his cell, before he 
had secured counsel, which the authorities failed to forward, 
and he was thereby deprived of timely assistance from his 
Government. 

Exhibit E. 

Confederate States of America, Navy Department, 

Richmond, March 5th, 1863. 
Sir: You are hereby informed that the President has 
appointed you an Acting Master in the Navy of the Confederate 
States. You are requested to signify your acceptance or non- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 345 

acceptance of this appointment ; and should you accept, you will 
sign before a magistrate the oath of office herewith, and forward 
the same, with your letter of acceptance, to this Department. 

Registered No 

The lowest number takes rank. 

(Signed.) S. R. Mallory, 

Secretary of the Navy. 

Acting Master John Y. Beall, of Virginia, C. S. N., 
Richmond, Va. 

(Indorsed.) 
Confederate States of America, Navy Department, 

Richmond, 23d December, 1864. 
I certify that the reverse of this page presents a true copy of 
the warrant granted to John Y. Beall, as an Acting Master in 
the Navy of the Confederate States, from the records of this 
Department. 

In testimony whereof I have herewith set my hand and affixed 
the seal of this Department, on the day and year above written. 
(Signed.) S. R. Mallory, 

Secretary of the Navy. 

Exhibit F. 

By authority — Confederate States of America. 

Whereas, It has been made known to me that Bennett G. 
Burley, an Acting Master in the Navy of the Confederate States, 
is now under arrest in one of the British North American 
Provinces, on an application made by the Government of the 
United States for the delivery to that Government of the said 
Bennett G. Burley, under the treaty known as the Extradition 
Treaty, now in force between the United States and Great 
Britain ; and whereas it has been represented to me that the said 
demand for the extradition of said Bennett G. Burley is based 
on a charge that the said Burley is a fugitive from justice, 
accused of having committed the crimes of robbery and piracy 
in the jurisdiction of the United States ; and whereas, it has 
further been made known to me that the accusations and charges 
made against the said Bennett G. Burley are based solely on the 
acts and conduct of said Burley, in an enterprise made or 
attempted in the month of September last, 1864, for the capture 
of the steamer Michigan, an armed vessel of the United States, 



346 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

navigating the lakes on the boundary hne between the United 
States and the said British North American Provinces, and for 
che release of numerous citizens of the Confederate States, held 
as prisoners of war by the United States at a certain island called 
Johnson's Island ; and whereas, the said enterprise or expedition 
for the capture of the said armed steamer Michigan, and for the 
release of the said prisoners on Johnson's Island, was a proper 
and legitimate belligerent operation, undertaken during the 
pending public war, between the two Confederacies, known 
respectively as the Confederate States of America and the 
United States of America, which operation was ordered, 
directed, and sustained by the authority of the Government of 
the Confederate States, and confided to its commissioned officers 
for execution, among which officers is the said Bennett G. 
Burley. 

Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, President of the Confed- 
erate States of America, do hereby declare and make known to 
all whom it may concern, that the expedition aforesaid, under- 
taken in the month of September last, for the capture of the 
armed steamer Michigan, a vessel of war of the United States, 
and for the release of the prisoners of war, citizens of the Con- 
federate States of America, held captive by the United States of 
America at Johnson's Island, was a belligerent expedition 
ordered and undertaken under the authority of the Confederate 
States of America, against the United States of America, and 
that the Government of the Confederate States of America 
assumes the responsibility for answering for the acts and con- 
duct of any of its officers engaged in said expedition, and 
especially of the said Bennett G. Burley, an Acting Master of 
the Confederate States Navy. 

And I do further make known to all whom it may concern, 
that in the orders and instructions given to the officers engaged 
in said expedition, they were specially directed and enjoined to 
"abstain from violating any of the laws and regulations of the 
Canadian and British authorities in relation to neutrality," and 
that the combination necessary to effect the purpose of said 
expedition "must be made by Confederate soldiers and such 
assistance as they might (you may) draw from the enemy's 
country." 

In testimony whereof I have signed this manifesto, and 
directed the same to be sealed with the seal of the Department 
of State of the Confederate States of America, and to be made 
public. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 347 

Done at the city of Richmond, on the 24th day of December, 
1864. 

Jefferson Davis. 
By the President, 

J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State. 

Exhibits A, B, and C, were submitted as showing Beall's 
views of the charges against him, and his reHance upon his 
authority as a Confederate officer. He had really committed 
no act except upon Lake Erie. 

Exhibit A. 

(One U. S. stamp enclosed.) 

Fort Lafayette, N. Y., January 22d, 1865. 
Mr. D. B. Lucas, 

173 Main St., Richmond, Va. 

Dear Dan : I have taken up board and lodging at this 
famous establishment. I was captured in December last, and 
spent Xmas in the Metropolitan Hd. Ors. Police Station. I am 
now being tried for irregular warfare, by a Military Commis- 
sion, a species of court. 

The acts are said to have been committed on Lake Erie and 
the Canada frontier. You know that I am not a "guerrilla" or 
"spy." 

I desire that you get the necessary evidence that I am in the 
Confederate service, regularly, and forward it to me at once. I 
shall write to Colonels Boteler and Holliday in regard to this 
matter. I must have this evidence. As the Commission so far 
have acted fairly, I am confident of acquittal. Has Will been 
exchanged ? I saw that Steadman had been killed in Kentucky. 
Alas ! how they fall. Please let my family know if possible of 
my whereabouts. Where is my Georgia friend? Have you 
heard anything from her since I left? May God bless her. I 
should like so much to hear from her, from home. Will, and 
yourself. Be so kind, therefore, as to attend at once to this 
business for me. Remember me to any and all of my friends 
that you may see. 

Send me some stamps for my correspondence. 

Hoping to hear from you soon, 

I remain your friend, 

J. Y. Beall, C. S. N. 

If Mr. Lucas is not in Richmond, will Mr. Hunter attend to 
this at once ? 



348 confederate operations 

Exhibit B. 

(I enclose a U. S. stamp.) 

Fort Lafayette^ N. Y., January 22d, 1865. 

Col. A. R. BOTELER^ 

Richmond, Va. 
Dear Sir : I am on trial before a Military Commission for 
irregular warfare, as a "guerrilla" and "spy." The acts are said 
to have been committed on Lake Erie and at Suspension Bridge, 
in September and December last. 

As I cannot in person procure any papers from Richmond, I 
have to rely on my friends, and therefore I request you to pro- 
cure evidence of my being regularly in service, and forward such 
evidence at once to me. I have also written to Messrs. Hunter 
and Lucas. Please call on them in regard to this, and also Mr. 
Henderson if necessary. 

Very truly, your friend, 

J. Y. Beall, C. S. N. 

Exhibit C. 

Fort Lafayette, N. Y., January 22d, 1865. 
Col. Jacob Thompson, 

Toronto, C. W. 

Sir : I was captured in December, and am on trial before a 
Military Commission for irregular warfare, as a "guerrilla" and 
"spy." The acts are said to have been committed on Lake Erie 
and at Suspension Bridge, N. Y., in September and December 
last. 

I desire to procure from my Government and its authorities 
evidence of my being regularly in service, and of having been 
acting under and by authority. Please secure and forward me, 
as soon as possible, certificates or other evidence confirming this 
fact. 

The Commission so far have evidenced a disposition to treat 
me fairly and equitably. With the evidence you can send, 
together with that I have a right to expect from Richmond and 
elsewhere, I am confident of an acquittal. 

Please attend at once to this, acknowledging at any rate the 
receipt of this letter. 

Very respectfully, 

J. Y. Beall. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 349 

James T. Brady, Esq., counsel for Captain Beall, now 
addressed the commission at length in defense of the pris- 
oner. It would be interesting matter, perhaps, to present 
the entire address, but for all practical purposes his remarks 
upon one or two points only are deemed sufficient and ex- 
tracts are given as follows : 



But I had supposed the WORD "LINES" had some refer- 
ence in general parlance to a CAMP. You may make a city a 
camp or an entire district, but I don't know that you can make 
a WHOLE COUNTRY A CAMP. I don't know whether 
Caesar, Hannibal, or Alexander, in any of their extensive 
marches, could have established as their camps the whole 
country through which they went. I don't suppose that General 
Sherman could claim the whole State of Georgia as his camp. 
All this may be of very little consideration to you, because you 
know so much more about it than I ; but I respectfully submit 
that the word "lines" must mean some imaginary or prescribed 
territory relating to, and directly affected by the government of 
the army as such ; and in that sense I don't see how Beall was 
within our lines in a military sense, because he happened to be 
in the State of Ohio taking passage in a steamboat, or up at 
Niagara in the State of New York; the State of New York 
never for one moment being subject to any kind of military 
occupation. I don't see how the State of Ohio or the State of 
New York could be within our Unes. But that proposition I 
submit to your intelligence and judgment. 

Now, on this subject we find that the accused did not come 
here as a spy, nor for any such purpose. He came on one 
occasion, if you believe the testimony in this case, to assist in a 
demonstration for the relief of the prisoners on Johnson's 
Island ; a specific purpose of war if he acted in a military 
capacity. And in the other case, he was in the State of New 
York engaged in the capture of a railroad train, so as to get 
possession of the mails and money in the express safe ; and 
coming for either of those purposes, he did not come to lurk 
or make himself a spy in any way. 

He was acting under a commission ; he was in the service 
of the rebel Government ; he was engaged in carrying on war- 
fare ; he was not endeavoring to perpetrate any offense against 



350 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

society. And if he were not acting under a commission or with 
authority, but was acting upon his own responsibihty and 
from the wicked intent of his own heart for motives of personal 
mahce or gain, he is not amenable to this tribunal, but must 
answer to the ordinary courts of the State within which the 
crime was committed. 

'K ^ -K -I* 'K -i^ 'i^ 

The soldiers who surround Captain Beall on his way to this 
court, and unknown to their superior officer, when the oppor- 
tunity presents itself, murmur out in his hearing words that 
would denote that he was contemplated by them as a murderer, 
an outcast, and a villain, have not brought themselves to under- 
stand, to contemplate the dreadful fact, that war is nothing but 
legalized deception, and fraud, and murder. If I slay my fellow- 
being upon a provocation or insult — if he should assail the 
reputation of my mother, or offer insult to my sister in my 
presence, and in a moment of passion I slay him, by the law of 
the land I am guilty of murder, although the circumstances 
might recommend me to the clemency of the court. And yet, 
if in obedience to the call of my country I do that against the 
phalanx of men who have done me no personal wrong, do not I 
always gain my military triumph by the massacre of those inno- 
cent men ? If you march your battalions against the conscripted 
armies of the South, who suffer but the innocent? While the 
guilty leaders — the wicked men who set this rebellion on foot, 
have thus far escaped, and seem destined to escape, whatever 
may be the issue of the war. Soldiers like you are not to be 
horrified by the fact that men engaged in a warfare, who treat 
you, and consider you to be their enemies, take possession of 
your steamboats, or obstruct railroads, or endeavor to throw 
railroad trains off the track. * * * But has it not been a 
customary thing in this war, in all these expeditions called 
raids, for leaders to earn brilliant reputations by, among other 
things, tearing up rails, removing them, intercepting and 
stopping railroad cars, without reference to the question of 
who happened to be in them? Would a general officer, or any 
one in command, who sought to interrupt the communication 
by rail between two of the enemy's posts, let a train pass 
through or stop it ? If he seeks to stop it he must apply to it the 
means necessary to accomplish it. Before the days of railroads, 
when soldiers Vv^ere transported by the means of animals 
attached to some kind of conveyance, did a general engage in 
warfare who wanted to stop the soldiers, whether they were 
in stage-coaches (if soldiers ever traveled in that manner) or 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 351 

in caravans, ever stop to see how many innocent people would 
suffer by assailing- them with weapons of destruction? Cer- 
tainly not. It is death, desolation, mutilation, and massacre, 
that you are permitted to accomplish in war. And you look 
at it not through the medium of philanthropy, not through the 
Divine precept that tells you to love your neighbor as your- 
self, but through the melancholy necessity that characterizes 
the awful nature of war. You must change your whole intel- 
lect and moral nature to look at it as it is, the ultima ratio rcgum 
— the last necessity of kings. This being so, legalized war 
justifying every method, every horrible resource of interrupting 
communication, where do you draw the line of distinction 
between the act of one you call a guerrilla and the act of one 
you call a raider, like Grierson? Where do you make the 
distinction between the. march of Major-General Sherman 
through the enemy's country, carrying ravage and desolation 
everywhere, destroying the most peaceable and lawful industry, 
mills and machinery, and everything of that nature — where do 
you draw the line between his march through Georgia and an 
expedition of twenty men acting under commission who get into 
any of the States we claim to be in the Union, and commit 
depredations there? And what difiference does it make if they 
act under commission, if they kill the innocent or the guilty? 
There are no distinctions of that kind in war. You kill your 
enemy ; you put him hors de combat in any way, with some few 
qualifications that civilization has introduced. You may say that 
it is not allowed to use poisoned weapons, and yet we use Greek 
fire. You may not poison wells, but you may destroy your 
enemy's property. * * * At the outbreak of this war the 
Savannah privateers were captured ; they were held and tried as 
pirates. I was one of the counsel for the accused. The jury 
in the city of New York disagreed. In Philadelphia they 
convicted some of them ; and as the honorable members of 
this court remember, the Confederate Government proposed 
retaliation, and took an equal number of our men, their lot 
being determined by chance, and secured them, to be executed 
in case death were visited upon any of the privateers ; and one 
of the men who was so held was Major Cogswell, who has 
just left this room ; and for the first time in my life I had an 
involuntary client ; because the life of my friend Cogswell was 
dependent upon the result. Very soon, however, the Govern- 
ment set that idea aside and gave up the notion that privateers 
were pirates. 



352 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

We see that there may be transactions which do not seeni 
at the first blush to belong to those of war; and yet on a 
closer examination of them they prove to come within that 
description. I refer you to General Halleck's book, at page 
306, and I beg your attention to this, as I know you will 
give it : 

"Partisans and guerrilla troops are bands of men self-organ- 
ized and self-controlled, who carry on war against the public 
enemy, without being under the direct authority of the State. 
They have no commissions or enlistments, nor are they enrolled 
as any part of the military force of the State ; and the State is, 
therefore, only indirectly responsible for their acts. * * * 
If authorized and employed by the State, they become a portion 
of its troops, and the State is as much responsible for their 
acts as for the acts of any other part of its army. They are 
no longer partisans and guerrillas in the proper sense of those 
terms, for they are no longer self-controlled, but carry on 
hostilities under the direction and authority of the State. * 

* * It will, however, readily be admitted, that the hostile 
acts of individuals, or of bands of men, without the authority or 
sanction of their own Government, are not legitimate acts of 
war, and, therefore, are punishable according to the nature or 
character of the oixense committed." 

If that be so, you cannot convict any man as a guerrilla who 
holds a commission in the service of the Confederate Govern- 
ment, and perpetrates any act of war in that capacity. He is not 
self-organized with his command, nor self-controlled. He is 
acting under authority of our foe, and he is regarded as under 
so much protection as belongs to the laws of war. 

You will find that in this case Captain Beall was acting as 
an officer of the Confederate Government, either in command 
himself of Confederate soldiers or under the command of some 
Confederate officer, as in the attempt on the railroad where 
Colonel Martin of the Confederate service was in command. 
Commissioned officers of the Confederate Government engaged 
in depredations for the purposes of war within our territory, 
are not guerrillas within this definition of General Halleck, or 
any definition recognized in any book that I have had occasion 
to refer to. So far as that definition and the like is concerned, 
that it is ratified by this Government, is shown from this procla- 
mation of Jefferson Davis, referred to in specific terms showing 
that it was done by the authority of the Government. * * * 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 353 

A guerrilla must be a marauder, self -controlled, not acting 
by the authority of his government, without a commission— a 
mere self-willed and self-moving depredator. The question is, 
whether there is any proof of any such character in regard to 
Captain Beall. As to the transaction on Lake Erie, I accept 
all the proof which has been given by the Government. It 
was an expedition to take possession of that steamboat, at a 
distance of some six miles from Johnson's Island, TO RUN 
DOWN THE UNITED STATES ARMED STEAMER 
MICHIGAN, then lying at about the distance of a mile from 
Johnson's Island, and thus give the prisoners on Johnson's 
Island an opportunity to escape. 

******* 

That was the purpose of the armed expedition of Confederate 
soldiers or officers, to take possession of, or capture the 
Michigan, and thus aid to release the prisoners on Johnson's 
Island. That I call a military expedition ; and that I call an 
expedition which being carried on by men under commission 
from the Confederate Government, is legalized warfare and 
not the conduct of guerrillas. 

I think we have two distinct questions here, and only two: 
Is the accused proved to be a spy ? What proof is there for the 
purpose of establishing these charges? In the one case we say 
he was shown to be within our lines, if within our lines at 
all, not for the purpose of acting as a spy, but for other 
developed and proved objects inconsistent with his being a 
spy. In the other case it appears that he was not a guerrilla 
because he was a commissioned officer in the Confederate serv- 
ice, acting under the authority of that Government during the 
war, in connection with other military men, for an act of war. 
If so, then he is not amenable to this jurisdiction. If I were 
before a tribunal who had not been accustomed to look at war 
with its grim visage, with the eye of educated intelligence, I 
should apprehend that the natural detestation of violence and 
bloodshed and wrong would pursue this man. But however 
wrong the South may be — however dismal its records may 
remain in the contemplation of those who have the ideas of 
patriotism that reside in our minds — yet not one of you, gentle- 
men, would even be willing to acknowledge to any foreigner, 
hating our institutions, that you did not still cling to the South 
in this struggle, wrong and dreadful as it has been, and award 



354 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

them attributes of intelligence and courage never before 
perhaps equaled, and certainly never surpassed, in the annals 
of the human race. 

Bad as their act may be in our contemplation, have you any 
doubt that in the conscience of that man, in the judgment of 
his mother, in the lessons he received from his father, he has 
what we may think the misfortune of believing himself right? 

I leave his fate in your hands. I have endeavored to avoid 
any attempt to address to you anything but what becomes the 
sober reason of intelligent men. * * * This is a thing to 
reason upon. You will view it through the medium of reason 
with which the Almighty has endowed you. 

Judge-Advocate-General John A. Bolles then followed in 
a lengthy address to the commission, and it would likewise 
be interesting if given in full, but the extracts quoted will 
convey a fair idea of the claims of the prosecution. He said : 

Two papers have been put in evidence by the accused, with- 
out objection on my part, — his letter of appointment as master's 
mate in the rebel Navy, and the "manifesto" of Mr. Davis in 
regard to Burley and the Lake Erie expedition. I was willing 
to admit that Beall was a rebel officer, and that all he did was 
authorized by Mr. Davis ; because, in my view of the case, 
all that was done by the accused, being in the violation of the 
law of war, no commission, command, or manifesto could 
justify his acts. A soldier is bound to obey the lawful com- 
mands of his superior .officer. Our 9th article of war punishes 
him for disobedience to such commands, but none other. His 
superior cannot require or compel any soldier to act as a spy, 
or as an assassin. If, then, such unlawful command be given 
and obeyed, its only effect is to prove that both he who gave 
and he who obeyed the command are criminals, and deserve to 
be gibbeted together. When did a spy ever seek to justify him- 
self by pleading the command of his general? How can the 
manifesto of the arch-rebel screen any of his subordinates who 
has trampled under foot that law of war — for war hath its 
laws no less than peace — which is binding upon all alike, from 
the rebel President to the rebel raider? 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK i 355 

And now, Mr. President, I come to the final inquiry in this 
most interesting- and important trial. What are the facts proved 
by the evidence under the ist, 2nd, and 6th specifications of 
Charge ist? 

I submit to the court that we have proved : 

ist. That the accused was and is a rebel officer. 

2nd. That he was within our lines in disguise. 

3rd. That he, at Kelley's Island, in Ohio, in September 
last, with the help of other rebel officers and soldiers in dis- 
guise, seized the American private steamboat Philo Parsons. 

4th. That he stole the money and destroyed the freight on 
board of her. 

5th. That in September, at Middle Bass Island, in Ohio, he, 
still in disguise, and with the same friends in disguise, seized 
in like manner another steamboat, the Island Queen, and 
scuttled and sunk her. 

6th. That in December he came from Canada to Bufifalo, 
in New York, in disguise, and with other disguised rebel officers 
and soldiers attempted unsuccessfully to throw a railroad train 
from the track. 

7th. That he went back to Canada, and again returned in 
the same treacherous manner as before, and repeated his 
infamous attempt upon a night train from Dunkirk, and was 
caught as he fled from the scene of his unenviable exploits. 

^ :!< ^ ^ ^ H< H< 

It is important that you and I, sir, and our wives and 
children— that all of our fellow-citizens, may feel, when they 
enter a railroad car within the loyal States, that they are safe 
from all perils but those of ordinary travel ; and that if any 
party of rebel soldiers in disguise, enemies of the Republic 
and friends of the Confederacy, attempt to place obstructions 
on the track, and throw off the train, they will be punished with 
the most exemplary speed, certainty, and severity. Enormities 
like this cannot be justified or screened from legal vengeance 
by the plea or proof of a military commission, command, or 
ratification, no matter how exalted may be the rank of the com- 
mander; since the law of war, which forbids and punishes the 
crime, is obligatory upon all. 

The piracy of the lake, and the outrage on the railroad, were 
parts of that system of irregular warfare, UNDER THE 
FEAR OF WHICH NO MAN, WOMAN OR CHILD CAN 
SLEEP WITH ANY FEELING OF SECURITY IN OUR 



356 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

MIDST. Such atrocities are attempts, on the part of the rebel 
officers and soldiers who engage in and countenance them, TO 
BRING BACK WAR TO ITS OLD CONDITION OF 
BARBARISM— TO IMITATE THE STEALTHY CRU- 
ELTY OF THE NORTH AMERICAN SAVAGE, WHO 
CREEPS UNDER COVER OF MIDNIGHT UPON HIS 
UNSUSPECTING VICTIM, AND SMITES HIM TO 
DEATH ERE THE SOUND OF APPROACHING FOOT- 
STEPS HAS ROUSED THAT VICTIM FROM SLUM- 
BER. With the accused this savage purpose takes form in the 
robbery of steamboats and the destruction of railroad trains 
and travelers. In other hands, it manifests itself in midnight 
attempts to burn great cities. There is nothing of Christian 
civilization, nothing of regular warfare, nothing of a high, noble, 
bold, manly, chivalrous character about it. It is an outbreak of 
passions so bad and violent that they have overcome all the 
native elements of manliness, and have led men, of whom four 
years ago to have suspected such things possible would have 
been a calumny and a crime, to indulge in atrocities from month 
to month and year to year, SUCH AS HAVE NOT STAINED 
THE PAGES OF WARFARE FOR TWO HUNDRED 
YEARS. And you sit here todav, AS THE REPRESENTA- 
TIVES OF RECOGNIZED LAW AND HONORABLE 
WARFARE, TO SEE THAT SUCH OUTRAGES, when 
they are clearly and distinctly brought home to the guilty 
party by the evidence adduced upon the trial, shall not escape 
unpunished. 



CHAPTER XXXV 

Efforts of the friends of Beall, with President Lincoln, for his 
pardon — Beall hung on Governor's Island — Buried in Green- 
wood Cemetery, Brooklyn. 

The commission on February 8th, 1865, found Captain 
Beall guilty on every count in the charges, announcing their 
verdict as follows : 

And the commission do therefore sentence him, the said John 
Y. Beall, to be hanged by the neck until dead, at such time and 
place as the General in command of the Department may direct, 
two-thirds of the members concurring therein. 

An extract from the order of General Dix, approving the 
verdict of the commission, is as follows : 

General Orders, No. 14. 

Headquarters Department of the East, 

New York City, Feb. 14th, 1865. 
I. Before a Military Commission which convened at Fort 
Lafayette, New York Harbor, by virtue of Special Orders No. 
14, current series from these headquarters, of January 17, 1865, 
and of which Brigadier-General Fitz Henry Warren, United 
States Volunteers, is President, was arraigned and tried John 
Y. Beall. 

:{: sfc H« * * * * 

"After eight hours, he and his associates, arming themselves 
with revolvers and hand-axes, brought surreptitiously on board, 
rose on the crew, took possession of the steamer, threw over- 
board part of the freight, and robbed the clerk of the money 
in his charge, putting all on board under duress. Later in the 
evening he and his party took possession of another unarmed 
steamer (the Island Queen), scuttled her, and set her adrift 
on the lake. These transactions occurred within the jurisdic- 
tion of the State of Ohio, on the 19th day of September, 1864. 



358 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

On the 1 6th day of December, 1864, the accused was arrested 
near the Suspension Bridge, over the Niagara River, within the 
State of New York. The testimony shows that he and two 
officers of the insurgent States, Colonel Martin and Lieutenant 
Headley, with two other Confederates, had made an unsuccess- 
ful attempt, under the direction of the first-named officer, to 
throw the passenger train coming from the West to Buffalo 
off the railroad track, for the purpose of robbing the express 
company. It is further shown that this was the third attempt 
in which the accused was concerned to accomplish the same 
object; that between two of the attempts the party, including 
the accused, went to Canada and returned, and that they were 
on their way back to Canada when he was arrested. In these 
transactions, as in that on Lake Erie, the accused, though hold- 
ing a commission from the insurgent authorities at Richmond, 
was in disguise, procuring information, with the intention of 
using it, as he subsequently did, to inflict injury upon unarmed 
citizens of the United States and their private property. * 

* * In these attempts three officers holding commissions in 
the military service of the insurgent States were concerned. 
The accused is shown by the testimony to be a man of educa- 
tion and refinement, and it is difficult to account for his agency 
in transactions so abhorrent to the moral sense, and so incon- 
sistent with all the rules of honorable warfare. 

The accused, in justification of the transaction on Lake Erie, 
produced the manifesto of Jefferson Davis, assuming the 
responsibility of the act, and declaring that it was done by his 
authority. It is hardly necessary to say that no such assump- 
tion can sanction an act not warranted by the laws of civilized 
warfare. * * * War, under its mildest aspects, is the 
heaviest calamity that can befall our race ; and he who, in a 
spirit of revenge, or with lawless violence, transcends the limits 
to which it is restricted by the common behest of all Christian 
communities, should receive the punishment which the com- 
mon voice has declared to be due to the crime. The Major- 
General commanding feels that a want of firmness and inflexi- 
bility, on his part, in executing the sentence of death in such a 
case, would be an offense against the outraged civilization and 
humanity of the age. 

It is hereby ordered that the accused, John Y. Beall, be 
hanged by the neck till he is dead, on Governor's Island, on 
Saturday, the i8th of February, inst., between the hours 12 and 
2 in the afternoon. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 359 

The commanding officer at Fort Columbus is charged with the 
execution of this order. 

By command of Major-General Dix: 

D. T. Van Buren, Col. A. A. G. 

The date of Captain Beall's execution was postponed from 
the 1 8th of February until the 24th. His fate being fixed 
for the 24th of February, Captain Beall wrote his brother, 
who was a private in the Stonewall Brigade, as follows : 

Fort Lafayette, Feb. 14th, 1865. 

Dear Will: Ere this reaches you, you will most probably 
have heard of my death through the newspapers ; that I was 
tried by a military commission, and hung by the enemy; and 
hung, I assert, unjustly. It is both useless and wrong to repine 
over the past. Hanging, it was asserted, was ignominious ; but 
crime only can make dishonor. "Vengeance is mine, saith the 
Lord, and I will repay" ; therefore do not show unkindness to 
the prisoners — they are helpless. 

Remember me kindly to my friends. Say to them, I am not 
aware of committing any crime against society. I die for my 
country. No thirst for blood or lucre animated me in my 
course; for I had refused, when solicited, to engage in enter- 
prises which I deemed destructive, but illegitimate; and but 
a few months ago I had but to have spoken, and I would have 
been red with blood, and rich with the plunder of the foe. But 
my hands are clear of blood, unless it be spilt in conflict ; and 
not a cent enriches my pocket. 

Should you be spared through this strife, stay with mother, 
and be a comfort to her old age. Endure the hardships of the 
campaign like a man. In my trunk and box you can get plenty 
of clothes. Give my love to mother, the girls too. May God 
bless you all now and evermore, is my prayer and wish for you. 

John Y. Beall. 

His faithful friend — his "biographer" — now entered 
earnestly and untiringly upon the task of saving Beall, by 
an appeal to President Lincoln, upon the merits of the case, 
alleging that Beall was not a spy but honestly endeavoring, 
without motives, to serve the cause of his country. 

J. A. L. McClure retained the professional services of 
Andrew Ridgely, of Baltimore. McClure received a letter 
from Beall as follows : 



360 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Fort Lafayette, 14th Feb., 1865. 
Mr. James A. L. McClure, Baltimore, Md. 

Dear Sir : Last evening I was informed of the finding and 
sentence of the Commission in my case. Captain Wright Rives, 
of General Dix's staff, promised to procure you a copy of the 
record of the trial. 

I am solicitous for you, who represent my friends, to have 
one, and to attach this statement to it: Some of the evidence 
is true, SOME FALSE. I am not a spy nor a guerrilla. The 
execution of the sentence will be murder. And at a convenient 
season, to forward that record, and my statement to my friends. 

I wish you to find out the amount of the expenses of the 
trial, and forward it to me at once, so that I can give a check 
for the amount. 

Captain Wright Rives assured me that my friends could have 
my body. For my family's sake, please get my body from Fort 
Columbus after the execution, and have it plainly buried, not to 
be removed to my native State till this unhappy war is over, 
and my friends can bury as prudence and their wishes may 
dictate. 

Let me again thank you for your kindness, and believe me 
to be now, as in days of yore, your attached friend, 

John Y. Beall. 

His "biographer" says : 

On Thursday morning Mr. McClure received a letter from 
John in which he announced his conviction and sentence. This 
letter was answered by telegraph through Captain Rives. 

He instantly thought that nothing could give to the President 
a clearer idea of the polished character, and manly tone that 
John possessed, than the simple reading of this letter — and I 
went at once to Washington to have it presented through Mr. 
Ridgely. Mr. Ridgely, however, had returned to Baltimore 
before I reached Washington, so that I was obliged also to 
return the same night. We had immediately an interview with 
him, to ascertain the result of his visit, and efforts. He brought 
no encouragement. Friends at Washington had interested 
themselves, and had appealed to the President even before Mr. 
Ridgely's arrival ; and in his interview with that gentleman, he 
was positive in his determination not to interpose against the 
order, and judgment of General Dix, with whom, without the 
active interference of the President, the case entirely rested. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 361 

Among those who persistently labored with the President 
in behalf of Captain Beall were the following : 

Francis L. Wheatley, John S. Gittings and his wife, and 
many ladies of Baltimore and Washington; Mr. Hendricks 
of Missouri, Rev. Dr. Bullock of Baltimore, Hon. Mont- 
gomery Blair, ex-Senator O. H. Browning of Illinois, Hon. 
Robert Mallory of Kentucky, besides a petition signed by 
ninety-one members of Congress. 

Continuing, his "biographer" says : 

Mr. Brady, in company with Mr. Francis Blair and Mr. 
Stabler of Montgomery County, personal friends of the Presi- 
dent, and Mr. Wheatley, called upon Mr. Lincoln at an early 
hour on Friday morning. There had already been two com- 
panies of gentlemen to see him on the same mission; whether 
they procured an interview or not I cannot say, but Mr. 
Brady and the gentlemen with him were informed by the Pres- 
ident's private secretary, that the case of Captain Beall "was 
closed," and that he could not be seen any further in reference 
to it. 

Mr. McClure, in company with Mrs. Basil B. Gordon, reached 
New York from Baltimore, on Friday morning. Mrs. Gordon, 
at a very early hour, had an interview with General Dix, and 
appealed to him in John's behalf, in the most earnest manner. 

It will thus be seen that no stone was left unturned to obtain 
a reprieve, and to the extent of a short respite these efforts 
were successful ; during this respite every legitimate means was 
resorted to to influence the President or General Dix, either of 
whom had the power to interpose between the sentence and its 
victim, but all intercessions were in vain. For days before the 
execution the President closed the doors of the Executive palace 
against all suppliants, male or female, and his ears against all 
appeals, whether with the tongue of men or of angels, in behalf 
of his unfortunate prisoner. From the first Mr. Lincoln had 
responded to all applications for his interposition, "General Dix 
may dispose of thte case as he pleases — I will not interfere." 
General Dix, on his part, replied, "All now rests with the Presi- 
dent — as far as my action is concerned there is not a gleam 
of hope." Thus they stood as the pillars of the gallows, on 
which Beall's fate was suspended, and between them he died. 
The credit, if any, in resisting all appeals for mercy, belongs 



362 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

jointly, in whole or in part, to both ; and in the same manner, 
the infamy, if such attach to the execution, pertains in the same 
undivided, indivisible estate to both. There was one expedient 
which mig-ht have proved successful had it been adopted ; that 
was to have purchased the more influential of the Republican 
journals of New York over in favor of mercy. There was one 
influence to which President Lincoln never failed to yield 
when strongly directed against him — THE VOICE OF HIS 
PARTY; this he did upon principle, as the head of a popular 
government. It was in response to such partisan appeals that 
Fish, ex-provost marshal of Baltimore, who on conviction of 
open and shameless bribery, and peculation, was sentenced to 
the penitentiary, obtained pardon ; WHILE GENERAL 
PAINE, FOUND GUILTY BEFORE A MILITARY TRI- 
BUNAL OF OUTRAGING ALL THE PROPRIETIES OF 
WAR UPON THE PERSONS AND PROPERTY OF 
WOMEN, CHILDREN, AND OTHER DEFENSELESS 
NON-COMBATANTS, SUCCEEDED BY SIMILAR 
MEANS IN PROPITIATING EXECUTIVE CLEMENCY. 
Unfortunately neither Beall nor his friends belonged to the 
Republican party ; hence the doors of mercy were closed against 
him. 

At some period during the respite granted, Mrs. Beall having 
come on from Virginia, HAD AN OPPORTUNITY OF 
VISITING HER SON. 

^ ^ :j5 :}; >f: jj; :i; 

The character of this interview, which took place in the 
presence of officers, was naturally affecting, though both exhib- 
iting that degree of composed fortitude which might have been 
expected by those acquainted with their characters. The son 
derived from it great comfort, for, said he, "I saw the moment 
she entered the cell that she could bear it, and that it made no 
difference to her whether I died upon the scaffold, or fell upon 
the field." He gave her no ground to indulge the hope of final 
pardon for himself. "No," said he, "they are thirsting for my 
blood !" And thus parted mother and son to meet again only in 
that realm where the changed and spotless are clothed in the 
transcendent beauty of immortal and incorruptible spirits. 

The Rev. Joshua Van Dyke (of Brooklyn) visited him on 
the day before his execution, and writes : "I found him to be all 
you had described him, and much more. He was confined in a 
narrow and gloomy cell, with a lamp burning at midday ; but 
he received me with as much ease as if he were in his own 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 363 

parlor, and his conversation revealed at every turn the gentle- 
man, the scholar, and the Christian. There was no bravado, no 
strained heroism, no excitement in his words or manner, but 
a quiet trust in God, and a composure in view of death, such 
as I have read of, but never beheld to the same degree before. 
He introduced the subject of his approaching end himself, 
saying that while he did not pretend to be indifferent to life, 
the mode in which he was to leave it had no terrors or 
ignominy for him ; he could go to heaven, through the grace 
of Christ, as well from the gallows as from the battlefield, or 
his own bed ; he died in defense of what he believed to be right ; 
and so far as the particular things for which he was to be 
executed were concerned, he had no confession to make or 
repentance to exercise. He did not use one bitter or angry 
expression toward his enemies, but calmly declared his convic- 
tion that he was to be executed contrary to the laws of civilized 
warfare. He accepted his doom as the will of God. * * * j 
left his cell, saying to myself, 'The chamber where the good 
man views his fate is privileged above the common walks of 
life!'" 

At a little past one o'clock (February 24th, 1865) the cortege 

passed out of the stern, arched sallyport of Fort Columbus. 
* * * 

The band struck up the death-march, and the solemn pro- 
cession moved forward. 

Beall caught the step of the regulars, and moved with them ; 
he was a soldier, and knew how to keep step even to music of 
his own death-dirge. But his step was lighter than that of the 
heavy soldiers ; it was as light, as free, as tameless as Tell's 
in the mountains of Switzerland ; as proud and firm as Mc- 
Gregor's on the skirts of Ben Lomond. Here was no malefactor 
at all. Here was a groom leaping to the bridal-chamber ; or a 
conqueror passing under the triumphal arch of an ovation ! 

Suddenly, upon a little eminence overlooking the spot and 
instrument of execution, the procession calls a halt. What 
does it mean? Th'e victim's face is turned full upon the gal- 
lows, and upon the rough pine coffin at its foot. "Oh ! this, 
this is cruel, and cowardly !" exclaims one of his two faithful 
friends who are following afar off. Beall might avert his face, 
but he is a soldier, and will not do it. For nine solid minutes 
by the watch is he kept face to face with the gallows, tete-a-tete 
with' his own coffin. 



364 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

The eager multitude who, to the number of from three 
hundred and fifty to five hundred, had assembled to witness 
the execution, are appalled at this delay. But now Beall no 
longer regards it ; he does not see the crowd around him ; once 
or twice he has smiled at their eager curiosity ; now he no longer 
sees them at all. He asks the direction of Fort Lafayette, re- 
marks that he has many kind friends there ; he looks smilingly 
over the gibbet across the waters of the Bay to the hills of Staten 
Island, and the mountains of New Jersey beyond, thence to the 
soft blue sky on which they are projected, and finally, up to the 
glorious God of day himself; then he exclaims — "How beauti- 
ful the sun is ! I look upon it for the last time i" * * * 

Again the march is resumed, and the victim passes in the 
hollow-square around the scaffold. Before stepping upon it he 
turns with a smile to Dr. Weston, and remarks, "As some 
author has said, we may be as near God on the scaffold as 
elsewhere." 

>i; >ic >|5 ^ >1; Hs ^ 

Mounting to the platform, the prisoner takes his seat upon 
the chair immediately under the fatal rope. The adjutant of 
the post (Lieutenant Keiser of the Second U. S. Infantry) 
commences to read the charges, specifications, and the orders 
of General Dix for his execution. Beall, little dreaming of the 
test to which he is to be subjected, rises respectfully when the 
reading is commenced ; but finding that, instead of the last, and 
briefest order for his execution, the whole prolix, and unmil- 
itary, and unsoldierly pronunciamento of General Dix is to be 
gone through with, — he deliberately draws up a chair with his 
foot, and resumes his seat. When he hears himself designated 
as a citizen of the "insurgent State of Virginia" his smile grows 
intensely sad and significant ; he sees now the men before him 
no longer as his own murderers only, but as the executioners 
of a sovereign State — his own beloved Virginia, and he smiles 
not in derision, but in protest and remonstrance. Again when 
they denounce his heroic attempt to rescue from a vault the 
souls of three thousand fellow-soldiers, "piracy," he smiles ; but 
when they accuse him of an attempt as a "guerrilla" to "de- 
stroy the lives and property of peaceable, and unoffending 
inhabitants of said State" (New York), he ceases to smile, and 
mournfully shakes his head in denial. But finally, when the 
adjutant reaches the concluding passages of the order of General 
]r)j^ * * * Beall laughs outright; it is at this point that 
the reporters declare that the "prisoner seems to be reminded of 
some amusing incident in his military experience." The re- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 365 

porters do not understand the joke; the truth is, Beall hears 
this homily upon the proprieties of war COMING FROM A 
FEDERAL OFFICER; HE hears it, whose home is in the 
VALLEY OF THE SHENANDOAH ! There rises up before 
him his own homestead, its desolated fields, its level forests, the 
ash heaps which now mark the positions of its once beautiful, 
and cottao"e-like out-houses ; and the thousand other vestiges of 
rural beauty despoiled by the brutality of the Federal soldiers, 
in its unrestrained career of pillage, plunder, wholesale robbery, 
and wanton destruction. He hears the protests of his helpless 
mother, and her appeals for protection heeded only by the God 
of the widow and fatherless. He remembers the deep burning 
insults which Federal officers have heaped, in their language, 
upon his own sisters. He hears in the hypocritical cant of 
General Dix that officer's own self-condemnation ; and knows 
that every breath which the commanding general draws is in 
default of the penalty which he himself attaches to the viola- 
tion of the laws of civilized warfare. He hears a sermon on the 
"rules which govern sovereign States in the conduct of hostilities 
with each other," by the man who, through his unlicensed, ill- 
disciplined, unrestrained, and unpunished soldiery, laid in ashes 
William and Mary College, an institution whose associations 
were hallowed by the literary nurture of the fathers of the 
Republic, and whose vulnerable walls were whitened by the 
frosts of a century. A general who, after an arduous campaign, 
succeeded in capturing a lunatic asylum, and who is said to have 
tendered to its patients the oath of loyalty to the United States, 
and who is known to have treated its refractory and unfortunate 
inmates with cruelty and inhumanity. * * * 

Even the executioner himself grows impatient, and cannot 
endure this ordeal. "Cut it short, cut it short !" cries he ; "the 
Captain wishes to be swung off quick !" The crowd murmurs, 
and the reporters call his eagerness to perform his office, 
"brutality" ; they mistake, he means it in mercy and kindness ; 
he is protesting against brutality. 

His (Beall's) manner has been throughout one of respectful 
attention ; but when he mounts the scaffold, and sits down under 
the fatal coil, he turns his back upon the adjutant while he is 
reading, and faces in the opposite direction. This attitude he 
does not change. What does he mean ? His face is turned upon 
his own beloved South ! Far over waters, mountains, val- 
leys, and intervening hills, through the deep azure sky, travel 
his thoughts to the land of tobacco and cotton, of orange and 



366 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

palmetto, of moss and magnolia, of chivalrous deeds, and politi- 
cal ideas which, rightly understood, gather in their scope the 
eternal years of God's own truth, and for which no man should 
hesitate to die ! As the martyr sets his face toward Jerusalem, 
or the Mussulman toward the shrine of Mecca, so this hero, 
dying for the faith of his fathers, turns his face upon the South. 
Thus he faces when the last duty save one of the executioner 
is performed ; and while standing thus, the provost-marshal 
asks him whether he has anything to say. Turning upon the 
officer of the day, he speaks in a calm, firm voice : 

"I protest against the execution of this sentence. It is a 
murder ! I die in the service and defense of my country ! I 
have nothing more to say." 

A moment afterwards a sword-flash is seen behind him, which 
is the signal to the executioner, and the soul of the hero springs 
upward with his body. 

Thus died in the thirty-first year of his age, on the scaffold, 
John Yates Beall. Shameless women, who had long lost the 
sense of an emotion, save the curiosity which brought them to 
the island on this occasion, were now awed by the grandeur 
of this death; rough "machines" (regulars), rebuked this title 
by the tribute of a silent tear ; while Federal officers, some of 
whom would have given a right arm to have saved this heroic 
life, were not ashamed to weep freely, tears both of pity and 
admiration. 

His body, when dead, was given to his two faithful friends 
whose devotion had halted at no sacrifice in their eiforts to save 
him while living, and they laid it privately to rest in Greenwood 
Cemetery, near New York City. Dr. Weston read the burial 
service of the Episcopal Church, and poured over the dead hero 
the full-tide flood of inspiration which flowed from the lips of 
Paul as he described the victorious, stingless, and eternal 
triumph of those who "die in the hope of a resurrection." 

At this moment, on Fern Hill, in Greenwood, a plain marble 
slab is to be seen inscribed — "John Y. Beall, died Februarv 24th, 
1865," marking a green turf COVERED DAILY BY THE 
HANDS OF STRANGERS WITH FRESH, BLOOMING 
FLOWERS. 

The summary hanging of Captain Beall for the crime of 
capturing a vessel on Lake Erie with the view of releasing 
prisoners on Johnson's Island, and for the crime of an 
attempt to capture a railroad train for the purpose of releas- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 367 

ing Confederate generals, and securing the safe of the ex- 
press company for the use of the Confederate Commissioners 
in Canada in defraying the expenses of war, was heard of 
at Richmond. The interest of the Confederate Government 
in the matter may be inferred from the following official 
proceedings : 

Richmond Va., March 14, 1865. 
The House of Representatives : 

In response to your resolution of the 2d instant I herewith 
transmit for your information communications from the Secre- 
tary of the Navy and the Commissioner for the Exchange of 
Prisoners relative to the trial and execution of John Y. Beall, 
acting master of the C. S. Navy, by the authorities of the 
United States. Jeff'n Davis. 

(Enclosure No. i.) 
Confederate States of America, Navy Department, 

Richmond, March 4, 1865. 
The President. 

Sir : I have the honor to state in response to the following 
resolution of the House of Representatives, referred by you to 
this Department — 

"Resolved, That the President be respectfully requested to 
communicate to this House any information he may have in 
regard to the execution of John Y. Beall, of Jefferson County, 
Va., by the authorities of the Federal Government ; and whether 
any and what action has been taken by this Government on 
the subject." 

— that the only information I have with regard to the execu- 
tion of John Y. Beall is derived from the Federal newspapers, 
whose accounts of the event were copied by the Richmond 
papers of the 27th ultimo. 

Triplicate copies of Mr. Beall's appointment as an acting 
master in the Navy were furnished to the Department of State, 
upon the request of the Secretary of State, so soon as his arrest 
was known here, and another copy was sent by me to the Hon. 
Jacob Thompson in Canada. 

The printed slip herewith, from the Federal newspapers, pur- 
porting to give the details of the arrest, trial, and conviction 
of Mr. Beall, is enclosed for further information. 

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, 

S. R. Mallory, 
Secretary of the Navy. 



368 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

(Sub-enclosure.) 

Arrest. 

(From a Northern newspaper.) 

Beall was arrested through information received on the 

Canadian border by John S. Young, chief of the Metropolitan 

Detective Police. Mr. Young also received at the same time 

information concerning one of the principal witnesses against 

the pirate, and the party being brought to New York, fully 

identified Beall by picking him out of a crowd in one of the 

rooms at police headquarters. The recognition by this witness 

was complete, he having instantly stepped up to Beall and 

called him by name, much to the discomfiture of the rebel 

captain. 

(Enclosure No. 3.) 

Richmond, March 11, 1865. 
His Excellency the President. 

Sir: In the matter of the accompanying resolution of the 
House of Representatives I have the honor to submit the 
following report : 

The case of Acting Master John Y. Beall was never brought 
to the attention of the office by any communication, verbal or 
written, prior to his execution. The proceedings of the military 
commission which tried him were not published in the North- 
ern papers until the 15th of February. The day for his execu- 
tion had been fixed for the i8th of the same month, as if for 
the purpose of making any efforts in his behalf by his Govern- 
ment impossible. He was reprieved from the 18th to the 24th, 
though it seems to have been quietly, if not secretly, done. For 
some days after the 24th it was not known here whether or not 
he had been executed. On the 27th of February I received a 
letter from him, of which the following is a copy, which was 
forwarded by order of General Dix after the unfortunate man 
had been put to death : 

"Fort Columbus, February 21, 1865. 
"Col. R. OuLD, Commissioner of Exchange, Richmond, Va. 

"Sir : The proceedings of a military commission in my case 
published in the New York papers of the 15th instant made 
you and my Government aware of my sentence and doom. A 
reprieve, on account of some informality, from the i8th to the 
24th, was granted. The authorities are possessed of the facts 
in my case. They know that I acted under orders. I appeal 
to my Government to use its utmost efforts to protect me, and if 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 369 

unable to prevent my murder, to vindicate my reputation. I 
can only declare that I was no 'spy' or 'guerrilla/ and am a 
true Confederate. 

"Respectfully, 

"John Y. Beall, 
"Acting Master, C. S. Navy." 
The cruelty of the enemy was so swift that no sufficient time 
intervened between a knowledge of the facts and the execution 
to enable any proceed in^s to be taken. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. OULD, 

Agent of Exchanee. 



CHAPTER XXXVI 

Trial of Lieutenant Young and his men at Montreal — Complete 
vindication. 

The expedition under command of Lieut. Bennett H. 
Young- upon St. Albans had continued to excite universal 
interest on account of the panic it had created in the United 
States along the borders and likewise among the authorities 
of Canada. 

Lieutenant Young and some of his comrades were in 
prison at Montreal, for whom the sympathies of the people 
of Canada were cordial and unabated during the impending 
trial for extradition. The trial of these Confederates had 
now become the most celebrated which occurred during the 
Civil War, for the reason that it was forcing an issue between 
England and the United States. 

Immediately after the raid the grand jury at St. Albans had 
^ indicted Bennett H. Young, Squire Turner Teavis, Alamanda 
Pope Bruce, Marcus Spurr, Charles Moore Swager, Joseph 
McGorty, William H. Hutchinson, George Scott, Caleb Mc- 
Dowell Wallace, James Alexander Doty, Samuel Simpson 
Gregg, Dudley Moore, Samuel Eugene Lackey, and Thomas 
Bronsdon Collins, for robbery and arson, and the President 
of the United States demanded their extradition upon the 
charge of a felony under the Ashburton Treaty. This was 
the plan for bringing Young and his men into the United 
States, when of course the military authorities could at once 
take them into custody and execute them as spies or guerrillas. 
The demand for extradition could not be made upon the 
ground that Young and his men were Confederates who were 
guilty of conducting illegitimate warfare. It was therefore 
contended at the trial, by the Attorney-General of Canada 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 371 

and the counsel employed by the United States, that the 
prisoners were guilty of robbery and arson, and their char- 
acter as Confederates and the orders of the Confederate 
Government for raids upon the United States territory were 
disputed and ignored. Every effort was made to prevent the 
prisoners from furnishing the evidence from Richmond to 
prove their identity and the authority for this or any other 
raid in Northern territory. 

The prisoners were arrested by a magistrate of Stanbridge, 
accompanied by United States detectives and one or more 
citizens of St. Albans, who could identify the raiders. Lieu- 
tenant Young surrendered voluntarily in order to stand trial 
and share the fate of his men. 

The prisoners were arraigned in the Police Court at 
Montreal, Canada, November 7th, 1864, when the proceed- 
ings began by the testimony of the arresting officers and 
others. 

The charges having been read to the prisoners the court 
then said: 

Having heard the evidence, do you wish to say anything in 
answer to the charge? You are not obliged to say anything, 
unless you desire to do so ; but whatever you say will be taken 
down in writing, and may be given in evidence against you at 
your trial. 

Whereupon the said Bennett H. Young saith as follows : 
"I am a native of Kentucky, and a citizen of the Confederate 
States, to which I owe allegiance. I am a commissioned officer 
in the Army of the Confederate States, with which the United 
States are now at war. I owe no allegiance to the United 
States. I herewith produce my commission as first lieutenant 
in the Confederate States Army, and the instructions I received 
at the time that commission was conferred upon me; reserv- 
ing the right to put in evidence further instructions I have 
received at such time and in such manner as my counsel shall 
advise. Whatever was done at St. Albans was done by the 
authority and order of the Confederate Government. I have 
not violated the neutrality laws of either Canada or Great 
Britain. Those who were with me at St. Albans were all 
officers or enlisted soldiers of the Confederate Army, and were 



372 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

then under my command. They were such before the 19th of 
October last, and their term of enHstment has not yet expired. 
Several of them were prisoners of war, taken in battle by the 
Federal forces, and retained as such, from which imprisonment 
they escaped. The expedition was not set on foot or projected 
in Canada. The course I intended to pursue in Vermont, and 
which I was able to carry out but partially, was to retaliate in 
some measure for the barbarous atrocities of Grant, Butler, 
Sherman, Hunter, Milro}^, Sheridan, Grierson, and other 
Yankee officers, except that I would scorn to harm women and 
children under any provocation, or unarmed, defenseless, and 
unresisting citizens, even Yankees, or to plunder for my own 
benefit. I am not prepared for the full defense of myself and 
my command without communication with my Government at 
Richmond, and inasmuch as such communication is interdicted 
by the Yankee Government, by land and by sea, I do not think 
I can be ready for such full defense under thirty days, during 
which time I hope to be able to obtain material important 
testimony without the consent of said Yankee Government, 
from Richmond." 

And further the examinant saith not, and hath signed, the 
foregoing having previously been read in his presence. 

(Signed.) "Bennett H. Young." 

The statement of Captain Collins fairly represents the 
responses of all the prisoners : 

Whereupon the said Thomas Bronsdon Collins saith as fol- 
lows : *T am a native of Kentucky and a commissioned officer 
of the Army of the Confederate States at war with the so- 
called United States. I served under the command of General 
John Morgan, and became separated from it at the battle of 
Cynthiana, Kentucky. Having eluded the Yankees, I joined 
Lieutenant Young afterwards at Chicago, knowing it to be my 
duty to my government as well as to myself never to desert its 
cause. I owe no allegiance to the so-called United States, but 
am a foreigner and public enemy to the Yankee Government. 
The Yankees dragged my father from his peaceful fireside 
and family circle, and imprisoned him in Camp Chase, where 
his sufferings impaired his health and mind, and my grand- 
father has been banished by brute Burbridge. They have 
stolen negroes and forced them into their armies, leaving their . 
women and children to starve and die. They have pillaged and 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 373 

burned private dwellings, banks, villages and depopulated 
whole districts, boasting of their inhuman acts as deeds of 
heroism and exhibiting their plunder in Northern cities as 
trophies of Federal victories. I have violated no laws of 
Canada or Great Britain. Whatever I may have done at St. 
Albans, I did as a Confederate officer acting under Lieutenant 
Young. When I left St. Albans, I came to Canada solely for 
protection. I entered a hotel at Stanbridge unarmed and alone, 
and was arrested and handcuffed by a Canadian magistrate 
(Whitman) assisted by Yankees. He had no warrant for my 
arrest, nor had any sworn complaint been made to him against 
me. About $9,300 was taken from me when arrested, part 
Confederate booty lawfully captured and held by me as such, 
and part of my own private funds. I ask the restoration of 
the money taken from me and my discharge as demanded by 
the rules of international law. The treaty under which my 
extradition is claimed applies to robbers, murderers, thieves, 
and forgers. I am neither, but a soldier serving my country in 
a war commenced and waged against us by a barbarous foe in 
violation of their own Constitution, in disregard of all the 
rules of warfare as interpreted by civilized nations and Chris- 
tian people, and against Yankees too wise to expose themselves 
to danger, while they can buy mercenaries and steal negroes 
to fight their battles for them, who whilst prating of neutrality 
seduce your own people along the border to violate the procla- 
mation of your august Sovereign by joining their armies, and 
leave them when captured by us to languish as prisoners in a 
cHmate unwholesome to them. If I aided in the sack of the St. 
Albans banks, it was because they were public institutions, and 
because I knew the pocket-nerve of the Yankees to be the most 
sensitive, that they would suffer most by its being rudely 
touched. I cared nothing for the booty, except to injure the 
enemies of my country. Federal soldiers are bought up at 
$1,000 a head, and the capture of $200,000 is equivalent to the 
destruction of 200 of said soldiers. I therefore thought the 
expedition 'would pay.' I 'guess' it did in view of the fact 
also, that they have wisely sent several thousand soldiers 
from the 'bloody front' to protect exposed points in the rear. 
For the part I took I am ready to abide the consequences, 
knowing that if I am extradited to the Yankee butchers, my 
Government can avenge if not protect its soldiers." 

And further the examinant saith not, and hath signed, the 
foregoing having been previously read in his presence. 

(Signed.) "Thomas Bronsdon Collins." 



374 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

It will be observed that the prisoners relied upon the fact 
that they were Confederate soldiers and possessed authority 
for the raid upon St. Albans. 

The prosecution claimed that the written authority of 
Lieutenant Young did not bear the seal of the Confederacy 
and other requisites which could only be certified at 
Richmond. 

After the adjournment in November had been granted the 
cases were again called for trial on the 13th of December, 
1864. The question was now raised and fully argued by Mr. 
Kerr, of counsel for the prisoners, of the jurisdiction of this 
court. There was a colloquy and discussion over the point. 
At the afternoon session, the Police Judge, Charles J. 
Coursol, J. S. P., rendered a lengthy decision in which he 
conceded his lack of jurisdiction under the law and the 
prisoners were discharged. 

The authorities at St. Albans had issued warrants for 
thirteen of the raiders whose names had been obtained. The 
names of the remainder of the party were never learned by 
the authorities of St. Albans or the United States. They 
were John D. Mclnnis, William T. Tevis, Charles H. Higby, 
Lewis Price, Daniel Mock Butterworth of Alabama, and 
John E. Moss. Eight of the number, for whom a requisition 
had been issued, namely, Alexander Pope Bruce, George 
Scott, Caleb McDowell Wallace, James Alexander Doty, 
Joseph McGorty, Dudley Moore, Samuel Eugene Lackey, 
and Thomas Bronsdon Collins, managed to elude the officers 
in Canada and were never again apprehended. 

Immediately after the discharge of the prisoners by Judge 
Coursol, Mr. Justice Smith issued a warrant for the re- 
arrest of the prisoners, similar to those under which they 
had been previously in custody. On this warrant, five out of 
the thirteen, namely, Lieut. Bennett H. Young, W. H. 
Hutchinson, Squire Turner Teavis, Charles Moore Swager, 
and Marcus Spurr, were again arrested, near Quebec, on the 
20th day of December, 1864, and brought to Montreal for 
examination in the Superior Court. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK , 375 

A question of jurisdiction was now raised by Mr. Kerr 
on behalf of the prisoners. This was argued and considered 
from day to day until the court on January lOth, 1865, over- 
ruled the point. 

A motion was now made for a delay of thirty days to 
enable messengers to return who had been sent through the 
United States to Richmond, in order to obtain certified copies 
of Lieutenant Young's commission and orders from the 
Confederate Government, and of the records showing the 
other prisoners to be Confederate soldiers. The adjournment 
for thirty days was finally agreed to by the attorneys on both 
sides. 

J. G. K. Houghton, an eminent attorney of Montreal, on 
behalf of the prisoners, had gone to Washington and applied 
to Secretary of State Seward and President Lincoln for a 
pass through the lines, but both had refused. Mr. Seward's 
response was as follows: 

Department of State, Washington, 

January 30, 1865. 
J. G. K. Houghton, Esq., advocate and attorney for the 
prisoners whose extradition in the matter of the St. Albans 
murders and robberies has been demanded, is informed that the 
Government of the United States can hold no communication 
or correspondence with him on that subject. The prisoners, 
if they submit themselves to the authority of the United States, 
need no foreign mediation. So long as they remain under the 
protection of a foreign government, and a demand upon that 
government for their delivery to the United States is pending, 
communications concerning them can be received only from 
that foreign government through the customary channels of 
national intercourse. 

A copy of the papers submitted by Mr. Houghton has been 
taken, and the originals are herewith remitted to him, and 
he is expected to leave the United States without crossing the 
military lines, or attempting to enter the scene of insurrection, 
or to communicate with the insurgents. 

(Signed.) William H. Seward. 



376 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

These facts were alleged by Young and his men as grounds 
for a further delay of thirty days. But the court decided to 
proceed with the trial, leaving the Confederates in a helpless 
plight. 

The prosecution having introduced their witnesses to 
prove that the prisoners were of the party who made the 
attack upon St. Albans, the testimony was now taken in 
behalf of the prisoners. The counsel for the defense then 
filed paper "P," as evidence of the Confederate character 
of Lieutenant Young, etc. A number of witnesses testified in 
behalf of the prisoners, and just before the trial ended Rev. 
S. F. Cameron arrived safely from Richmond, bringing the 
certified documents bearing the great seal of the Confederacy, 

Mrs. ,* a widow only 24 years old, employed 

by the Confederate Government for secret service in the 
Northern States, had come to Montreal and called on the 
prisoners at the jail. She volunteered for the journey to 
Richmond. After leaving the railroad in Maryland she 
walked much of the way through the country occupied by the 
enemy in Virginia. She departed from Richmond with the 
necessary certified papers, well concealed, one day before 
Rev. Mr. Cameron arrived there. These two messengers, 
traveling by different routes, reached Montreal on the same 
day. She declined to accept from Col. Jacob Thompson any 
compensation whatever for her services or expenses. This 
devotee of the South was a Kentucky lady. About 1867 she 
visited Frankfort when the legislature was in session. 
During a recess of fifteen minutes taken in her honor she was 
the recipient of an ovation, being presented by Hon. Thomas 
T. Coger, of Jessamine County, the home of Lieut. Bennett 
H. Young. 



*The prisoners never met this lady before or after her visits to the jail 
at Montreal. One of the survivors secured her photograph at the jail, 
but after forty years her name is forgotten. 

In memory of her heroic interest when the lives of the Confederate 
prisoners were hanging by a thread all the tribute that can be paid on 
their behalf is cheerfully recorded. — Author. 




Young Confederate Widow who was a messenger fok the 

St. Alban's Raiders in getting the proper papers 

FROM THE Confederate Government 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 377 

Paper P. 

Mem. for Lieut. Bennett Young, C. S. A. 

Your report of your doings, under your instructions of i6th 
June last from the Secretary of War, covering the list of 
twenty Confederate soldiers who are escaped prisoners, col- 
lected and enrolled by you under those instructions, is received. 

Your suggestion for a raid upon accessible towns in Ver- 
mont, commencing with St. Albans, is approved, and you are 
authorized and required to act in conformity with that 
suggestion. 

October 6, 1864. C. C. Clay, Jun., 

Commissioner, C. S. A. 

Stephen F. Cameron's deposition follows : 

I am a citizen of Maryland. I have been in the Confederate 
service as a chaplain, from the beginning of the war to the 
present time. I was in Richmond on the ist February instant. 

[The counsel for the defense produced muster-roll of Com- 
pany A, Eighth Kentucky Cavalry, containing the name of Mar- 
cus Spurr; copy of muster-roll of Lagrange Light Guard of 
Georgia, containing the name of William Hutchinson Huntley ; 
copy of muster-roll of Company B, Colonel Chenault's Kentucky 
Cavalry, containing the name Squire Teavis ; a copy of muster- 
roll of Company H, Second Kentucky Infantry, containing the 
name of Charles M. S wager; also copies of two letters of in- 
structions addressed to Lieut. Bennett H. Young, dated June 
1 6th, 1864, and purporting to be signed by James A. Seddon, 
Secretary of War.] * * * 

Being shown and having the said papers — I say that I 
received them from Secretary Benjamin, Secretary of State of 
the Confederate States. He affixed his signature to them in my 
presence. I did not part with them until I handed them to the 
Honorable Mr. Abbott yesterday. The seal was affixed at that 
time — that is, the great seal of the Confederate States was 
affixed to them when he signed them; and he called my atten- 
tion to the seal. This was in the office of the Secretary of 
State. I volunteered to go for the papers for the prisoners. 

I carried a missive from Colonel Thompson, who arranged 
with me about going, and supplied the funds. I called upon 
Mr. Benjamin about an hour after my arrival in Richmond, and 
he informed me that the papers had been sent by another mes- 
senger on the day before. He said that the papers had been 



378 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

sent, that everything- had been sent, necessary to establish their 
belHgerent character, and that they acted under orders. The 
following day I called on the President, by appointment, and 
asked, that to insure the safe delivery of the papers, I might be 
entrusted with a duplicate as a second messenger. He readily 
acquiesced, and expressed great anxiety that they should be so 
placed as to escape detection, suggesting that the paper con- 
taining the great seal should be photographed upon tissue paper, 
so as to take up less space. Mr. Benjamin being present, 
explained that the muster-roll would take so much space, that 
the size of the g'reat seal would be of no consequence. He 
stated that he had sent the orders under which the young men 
had acted, previous to their making the raid. He thought that 
these papers would be fully sufficient to justify their doings, and 
that they would have full justice done them he had no doubt. 
The President stated that the prisoners' orders under which 
they acted having been sent, constituted superior testimony to 
any subsequent ratification. He expressed some surprise as to 
the result of Burley's case. I explained to him that in that case 
the judge was only a police magistrate, accustomed to deal only 
with petty larcenies, but that in this case it was before a Superior 
Court judge who would appreciate questions of international 
law. He stated as his reason for not issuing his order in this 
case, that his general order in the Burley case had been disre- 
garded, and he seemed piqued and indignant at that fact. I told 
him that if the Confederate States had been as near neighbors 
as the Federal States, there would have been, probably, a differ- 
ent result. I looked at the papers in the Department of State, 
to see that the names were affixed ; they are precisely in the 
same condition now as when I received them ; I made no request 
for any particular papers ; I merely presented the message with 
which I was entrusted; I never read the letter with which I 
was entrusted, and do not know its contents, except that I 
understood that it was a letter of introduction, and contained 
the names of the prisoners. 

[The counsel for the United States, objecting to the whole of 
this evidence as illegal and incompetent, decline to cross-ex- 
amine this witness.] 

(Signed.) S. F. Cameron. 

Lewis Sanders testified : 

I know Lieut. Bennett H. Young, one of the prisoners ; I 
know the Hon. Clement C. Clay, Jun. ; I was present at several 
conversations between said Mr. Clay and said Lieut. Bennett 




Rev. Stephen F. Gamekun 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 379 

H. Young, between the 29th of August and the 9th of Septem- 
ber last. I heard conversations between them about the attack 
on St. Albans, which was subsequently made on the 19th of 
October. The purport of these conversations was that Young 
was to burn the town if possible, and sack the banks. I am 
aware that Mr. Clay furnished Young with money to cover his 
expenses at the said raid. Mr. Clay sent me a cheque for $400 
or upwards for Mr. Young, toward the expenses of the said 
expedition. I gave him the said cheque, and he got the 
money on it at Montreal ; this was about two weeks before the 
raid. I had no personal knowledge that he got the money, but 
I presume he did, as there were funds to meet it. 

The attorneys in the case delivered elaborate speeches, 
which would be of special interest except for their length. 

Mr. Abbott, in defense of the prisoners, in the course of 
his speech took occasion to describe a Federal raid in com- 
parison with the St. Albans raid : 



The sacking and burning of Darien, Georgia, gives us an 
excellent practical exemplification of the doctrine of the Federal 
States as to what constitutes an act of war. And it forms the 
best possible commentary on the scorn, the indignation, and the 
horror which the learned counsel have been at such pains to 
express, at the comparatively insignificant injuries inflicted by 
the prisoners upon the town of St. Albans. I say that I can find 
the record in this book (War Record, No. 42) of a thousand 
times worse acts than the St. Albans raid, committed in a 
thousand instances in the South, by Federal troops, since this 
war began. 

At the close of the speeches by counsel the court rendered 
a lengthy decision in which the case was discussed in all its 
phases. 

Lieutenant Young and the other prisoners were discharged 
by the court upon the ground that they were Confederate 
soldiers and duly authorized by their Government to engage 
in expeditions against the United States. An extract from 
his decision is given as follows : 



380 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Acts of war by the law of nations, are just such acts as the 
belligerents choose to commit within the territories of each other. 
These acts are done upon the responsibility of the nation, and 
the soldiers committing them can in no way be held punishable 
for them. They may be what is termed unlawful acts of war, 
and violations of the law of nations, but I, as a judge in a neutral 
country, cannot sit in judgment upon them. Being committed 
within the territory of the belligerent, there is no violation of our 
law ; nor can the belligerent invoke their unlawfulness before 
me. By the international code, reciprocity is acknowledged by 
all authors to be one of the obligations of belligerents, and one 
of the tests of the lawfulness of their acts as against each other. 
Whatever, then, is done by one nation to the other, within 
belligerent territory in carrying on the war, must necessarily be 
permitted to the other. As a matter of fact, raids of this descrip- 
' tion have been constantly permitted and justified by and on 
behalf of the United States. On what principle then can they 
be denied to the so-called Confederate States? However, as 
far as regards the violence or unlawfulness of these acts, as a 
neutral I have no authority to decide. It is for the belligerents 
themselves to deal with these questions ; and WHERE 
AUTHORITY, EITHER EXPRESSED OR IMPLIED, IS 
GIVEN BY ONE BELLIGERENT TO DO THE ACT IT 
IS AN ACT OF WAR FOR WHICH ALONE THE BEL- 
LIGERENT IS RESPONSIBLE. 

It is now of special interest to state that the questions 
involved in this trial had been formulated and submitted to 
the Government of Great Britain. The decision of the 
Queen's Counsel, Sir Hugh Cairns and Mr. Francis Reilly, 
in England, was not received until after the trial was ended, 
but completely exonerated the Confederate soldiers who com- 
posed the expedition against St. Albans. 

At the conclusion of the trial of Lieutenant Young and 
his comrades, W. H. Hutchinson, S. T. Teavis, C. M. 
Swager, and Marcus Spurr, the Attorney-General of Canada 
held them upon a warrant from Toronto, which charged a 
violation of the neutrality laws of Canada. The penalty for 
this offense if convicted was imprisonment for several years 
and a fine of ten thousand dollars. The Confederates were 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 381 

accordingly carried to Toronto in the custody of a large 
force of policemen, where they were placed in jail. 

The prisoners received the same ovation from Southern 
refugees and Canadian friends at Toronto as in Montreal. 
The jailer extended every possible courtesy and accommo- 
dation for the comfort of the prisoners. 

After a delay of some weeks the prisoners secured an 
examining trial. There was no evidence whatever against 
Hutchinson, Teavis, Swager and Spurr, and they were dis- 
charged. The only testimony against Lieutenant Young was 
that of Godfrey J. Hyams, the confidant of Colonel Thomp- 
son, who had deserted to the enemy. Hyams testified that 
Young had told him of the force which was being organized 
in Canada for the St. Albans raid. But the character of this 
man had become notorious in Toronto and his unsupported 
testimony was not even now relied on by the Canadian Gov- 
ernment. Young was allowed to execute bond for $10,000 
and was released. Canadian sympathizers promptly fur- 
nished the bond. Young continued to appear and demand 
trial for months, when, finally, the Government finding 
that no case could be made against him, a nolle prosequi was 
entered and this noted prisoner departed in peace. 



CHAPTER XXXVII 

Arrangements to leave Canada for Richmond — Plan for the 
next campaign — Last ditch in the Northern States — Colonel 
Thompson remains in Canada to assist in the trials of Con- 
federates, 

The events which had transpired since the departure of 
Hon. C. C. Clay, Jr., from Canada in December had thrown 
the entire responsibility of all our affairs upon Colonel 
Thompson and he had devoted himself to the interests of 
the Confederates whose lives were at stake. 

Martin and I had remained in Toronto at Colonel Thomp- 
son's request and much of our time had been occupied in con- 
ference with him, not only with reference to current troubles 
in Canada but also concerning the situation in the Confed- 
eracy and in the Northern States. We had discussed all pos- 
sible chances for the success of the South, making estimates 
of our military strength and its distribution. It had been 
evident for weeks that General Sherman would be practi- 
cally unopposed on his march northward from Savannah, 
and then would come the end. The South was exhausted, 
not only in soldiers but in supplies, and without a radical 
change of base we all felt that the war was over with the 
opening of good weather in the spring when armies could 
move. It could not be continued long with Richmond cut 
off from the States southward. 

It was finally agreed that Martin and I should go through 
to Richmond and submit a plan in which Colonel Thompson 
had equal confidence with ourselves. It had been his judg- 
ment at all times that the Confederacy could get support in 
the North if our armies could advance and remain there, but 
the "Sons of Liberty" could not be expected to rally upon an 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 383 

army of invasion that could be readily driven back. General 
Lee had been met promptly by superior numbers in Maryland 
and Pennsylvania, and Generals Bragg and Smith, even in 
Kentucky, had only made a circuit apparently to obtain 
recruits. 

The plan was about as follows : We should go to General 
Breckinridge, who was now Secretary of War, and first 
enlist him in the enterprise if possible. Martin had been a 
scout for Breckinridge at Shiloh and knew him well. If 
Breckinridge agreed we would go with him to the President 
and submit what seemed to be a practical movement. 

It should be first stated that at this time Thomas's army 
was at Nashville with the advance as far south as Florence, 
Alabama, and Chattanooga; Sherman at Columbia, South 
Carolina; Grant in front of Petersburg, and some 30,000 
or 40,000 troops under different commanders in the Shen- 
andoah Valley and West Virginia. 

The Federal armies were in fact far to the south on the 
west of the mountains and likewise along the Atlantic. 

The forces opposing Sherman were north of his position. 
It was proposed that this force with all the others being 
organized by Beauregard, in North Carolina, should be com- 
bined with Lee's army, which would suddenly evacuate Rich- 
mond and Petersburg. All these troops it was calculated 
would aggregate 90,000 to 100,000 men of all arms, includ- 
ing all in North Carolina and Virginia. They could all con- 
centrate between Richmond and Lynchburg and march direct 
to Staunton and on to Pennsylvania, leaving the South 
abandoned. Then threaten Washington and Philadelphia 
until confronted by Grant. Meanwhile, the cavalry should 
gather up all the horses in the country and mount the infan- 
try, until eventually the entire army would be mounted, and 
then instead of taking any risks in front of Washington and 
Philadelphia, fall back and capture Pittsburg and locate with 
the seat of government at Wheeling, some forty miles west 



384 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

but still in the South. The army could then face east and; 
guard the line from the Ohio River to Lake Erie, a distance 
of about one hundred miles. 

With the railroads in Pennsylvania torn up and bridges 
destroyed, Grant and Sherman would require some time to 
meet the new condition of affairs. They would have to 
march from the east. The mountains of West Virginia and 
the Ohio River were a safeguard on the south and Lake Erie 
on the north of Pittsburg. Thomas would be obliged to find 
a new base if he kept his army in Tennessee. 

Meanwhile, Lee and Johnston would have time to equip 
their armies and obtain ample supplies in the enemy's 
country and would sever the West from the East. 

It seemed that Lee and Johnston would have as little 
trouble in making this movement as Sherman had in march- 
ing from Atlanta to Savannah. And that a column of 10,000 
cavalry under A. P. Hill could have ridden around in New 
York, creating considerable alarm in New York City, while 
10,000 under Longstreet might have marched west through 
Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, threatening Cincinnati and tak- 
ing Indianapolis. 

While this was going on there would be a cry in the North 
for help or peace, perhaps both. 

The President and Cabinet, being at the temporary seat 
of government, could direct affairs from Wheeling. It could 
be proclaimed that this army would hold this position until 
threatened, when it would retire in marching columns and 
be governed by circumstances and the orders of the Govern- 
ment in the conduct of the war. Meanwhile, fragments could 
follow from the South, coming up through the mountains. 

The army it was believed could not be captured after it 
was mounted. Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Penn- 
sylvania could subsist the troops without serious incon- 
venience. 

The organized and armed forces of the "Sons of Liberty" 
could now get help to rendezvous at Chicago or Indianapolis. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 385 

It was not believed that Grant alone would undertake to 
march from Richmond and follow in pursuit of such an army. 
The best that Grant and Sherman could do would be to come 
up the Atlantic on transports to Washington, Philadelphia, 
and New York. And this would require enough time to 
enable Lee and Johnston to establish the new base. 

At all events, this army could fall back westward, gather- 
ing strength on the march and creating consternation all 
over the North. It did not appear that Grant, Sherman, and 
Thomas would have any chance to prevent the movement in 
the beginning or the subsequent operations. 

Of course this change of base would leave the South abso- 
lutely at the mercy of the enemy, but the Northern people 
and their property would be equally in the power of the Con- 
federates, who would b.; unopposed in marching west on 
horseback. 

Colonel Thompson was fearful that President Davis would 
want to hold Richmond until it would be too late. He 
appeared to be informed to the extent that in case of 
emergency Lee's army would be directed south through 
western North Carolina and then toward Alabama. It was 
his opinion that if the proposed change of base should be 
approved it ought to be attempted not later than the ist of 
May. 

I got the impression from Colonel Thompson that Mr. 
Clay had expected to communicate with Richmond and 
propose the movement, but we had never heard anything on 
the subject since his departure. We believed Breckinridge 
would favor the plan for the reason that it would free 
Kentucky from occupation by the enemy, for if Thomas 
faced north he would probably go farther west and be rein- 
forced on the river by the army at New Orleans and troops 
along the Mississippi. This would enable us to gather 
strength from Kentucky and the South. And Dick Taylor 
and Forrest by uniting with Kirby Smith would make 
another army of 60,000 to march west of the Mississippi 



386 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

River to be mounted in Iowa. It could then march eastward 
in support of Lee and Johnston and Beauregard. This would 
still leave over 100,000 troops scattered over the South, who 
could be gotten North and mounted. 

None of us could see the propriety of making the last 
ditch in the impoverished South when the gates to the North 
and then to the West stood wide open. We felt certain that 
the South could afford to have the seat of war transferred 
to the North, where we could win or lose at the expense of 
the enemy. 

Colonel Thompson estimated that our troops in the North- 
ern prisons numbered over 80,000 men and that more than 
half of them were at Camp Chase, Camp Morton, Camp 
Douglas, Springfield, and Rock Island. They could not 
be moved east, and likewise those at Johnson's Island. If 
possible these would be released promptly and added to the 
army. 

But we all believed if Lee and Beauregard united their 
forces and escaped from Grant the movement was certain 
of success. And that with this army mounted the prospects 
for the desolation of the North would be so apparent that 
peace would be made without further bloodshed or ruin. 

After the ist of May it was not believed that gunboats 
could ascend to Pittsburg, and if they did they would hardly 
expose it to destruction. However, we did not make calcu- 
lations beyond the escape of 100,000 men from Grant before 
Sherman arrived in Lee's rear. Still, we thought the largest 
number it was possible to concentrate had better take that 
route by the ist of May. All the remainder of the pro- 
gramme could well be left to the authorities and com- 
manders. 

The proposed movement had been discussed until we were 
now enthusiastic on the subject. Colonel Thompson had 
been hoping for some tidings from Mr. Clay or some notice 
of his arrival in the Confederacy, in which event we would 
remain in Canada with Colonel Thompson, and await 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 387 

developments. The arrival of Sherman at Columbia, where 
he had halted at this time, February ist, indicated that per- 
haps he would now turn upon Charleston and remain to 
desolate the entire State of South Carolina, with the purpose 
of drawing forces away from Lee and other parts of 
Virginia. 

It was yet midwinter, and the armies were in winter 
quarters, but it was deemed best for us to make our way 
through the United States and submit the question at Rich- 
mond. Sherman had spent over two months marching 
through Georgia, and in Savannah, and we believed he would 
spend at least three months in South Carolina and North 
Carolina to starve Lee's army, while Grant would keep it 
employed in holding Petersburg and Richmond. Therefore, 
the North was the easiest place to reach and the best place to 
go. We thought it would relieve the South. 

To us it appeared that nothing could be lost and everything 
might be gained by the movement. There was one other 
objection that we all feared might be raised at Richmond. 
President Davis had not been friendly to the cavalry forces 
during the war, and might take a stand against venturing 
north with the idea of mounting the army, preferring to 
consolidate the remaining strength and fight through toward 
the west, whenever Richmond must be abandoned. 

In the event of the occupation of Pennsylvania and Ohio 
by the Confederate army of cavalry, the holders of govern- 
ment bonds and of large amounts of greenbacks, we thought, 
would clamor for peace in order to save their profits on the 
war. 

If necessary the Federal prisoners in the South might be 
paroled and allowed to go home. 

We learned afterwards that Mr. Clay did reach the Con- 
federacy, and it is possible that the Northern movement may 
have been suggested by him to President Davis and the Sec- 
retary of War, but, if so, it must have been considered with 
disfavor, as no mention is made of it by Mi . Davis. 



388 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

President Davis says : 

In the early part of March, as well as my memory can fix the 
date, General Lee held with me a long and free conference. He 
stated that the circumstances had forced on him the conclusion 
that the evacuation of Petersburg was but a question of time. 

* * * There naturally followed the consideration of the 
line of retreat. A considerable time before this General Hood 
had sent me a paper, presenting his views and conclusions that, 
if it became necessary for the Army of Northern Virginia to 
retreat, it should move toward Middle Tennessee. The paper 
was forwarded to General Lee and returned by him with an 
unfavorable criticism, and the conclusion that, if we had to 
retreat, it should be in a southwardly direction toward the 
country from which we were drawing supplies, and from which 
a large portion of our forces had been derived. In this con- 
versation the same general view was more specifically stated, 
and made to apply to the then condition of affairs. The pro- 
gramme was to retire to Danville, at which place supplies should 
be collected and a junction made with the troops under General 
J. E. Johnston, the combined force to be hurled upon Sherman 
in North Carolina, with the hope of defeating him before Grant 
could come to his relief. Then the more southern States, freed 
from pressure and encouraged by his success, it was expected, 
would send large reinforcements to the army, and Grant, drawn 
far from his base of supplies into the midst of a hostile popula- 
tion, it was hoped, might yet be defeated, and Virginia be 
delivered from the invader. Efforts were energetically con- 
tinued to collect supplies in depots where they would be avail- 
able, and, in furtherance of the suggestion of General Lee as 
to the necessary improvement in the condition of his horses, 
the Quartermaster-General was instructed to furnish larger 
rations of corn to the quartermaster at Petersburg. 

It appears from the plans of President Davis that a retreat 
tO' Middle Tennessee was not approved by General Lee, and 
that the route due south from Danville was adopted. 

It had occurred to us that the Confederate troops would 
be in far better spirits on horseback in the North, where sup- 
plies were abundant, than struggling in hunger and in rags 
through the summer months in the sultry South, among the 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 389 

famine-stricken families and ruined homes of the soldiers, 
with scenes of desolation yet to follow the paths of the 
invading armies of the enemy. 



CHAPTER XXXVIII 

The trouble of reaching Richmond — Situation in Kentucky, 
West Virginia, and Tennessee. 

It was now a serious undertaking not only to get safely 
out of Canada but to pass through the United States and 
reach the lines of the Confederacy in Virginia. 

We must either go through the department of Burbridge 
in Kentucky, striking the trail for Pound Gap about Mt. 
Sterling, or through the West Virginia mountains, an equally 
dangerous route that would be new to us. 

At Toronto we were fully advised of local conditions in 
all the border States, including Tennessee. We finally con- 
cluded to venture through Kentucky. Two cases in Ken- 
tucky and two in Tennessee will fairly show the situation : 

Richmond, January 12, 1865. 
Lieut.-Col. John E. Mulford, Assistant Agent of Exchange. 

Sir: Reliable information has been furnished to the Con- 
federate authorities that Col. J. D. Morris and Major T. Steele, 
of the Confederate Army, are confined in the jail at Lexington, 
Ky., and are heavily ironed. It is further represented that they 
are to be tried as spies. Colonel Morris and Major Steele were 
acting under orders from the War Department at Richmond 
at the time of their capture. They had been ordered to go into 
Kentucky for the purpose of recruiting their regiments and 
bringing out soldiers belonging to the Confederate Army. 

I now notify you and the Federal authorities through you 
that Col. W. R. Hartshorne, One Hundred and Ninetieth Penn- 
sylvania Regiment, and Maj. E. S. Horton, Fifty-eighth 
Massachusetts Regiment, have been selected for treatment 
similar to that received by Colonel Morris and Major Steele. 
Whatever punishment is suffered by the latter will be visited 
upon the two named Federal officers. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. OULD, 
Agent of Exchange. 



in canada and new york 391 

Office Commissary-General of Prisoners, 

Washington, D. C, January 21, 1865. 
Bvt. Maj.-Gen. S, G. Burbridge, 

Commanding District of Kentucky, Lexington, Ky, 
General : I am authorized to request that Col. J. D. Morris 
and Major T. Steele, of the rebel army, who are said to be con- 
fined in the jail at Lexington, Ky., and in irons, be immediately 
released and forwarded under proper guard to Lieut.-Col. 
John E. Mulford, agent for exchange of prisoners, Fort Mon- 
roe, Va. Please report action taken. 
I am, General, very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

H. W. Wessells, 
Brig.-Gen., U. S. Vols., Inspector and Com.-Gen. of Prisoners. 

When Colonel Morris arrived at Richmond he reported as 

follows : 

Richmond, March 13, 1865. 
To TPiE Honorable Committee of the Confederate Senate. 
Sirs: During a short conference held on yesterday, at the 
suggestion of Colonel Ould, between the Honorable Senator 
Watson, a member of your committee, and myself, the state- 
ments which I then made respecting my own treatment and that 
of other prisoners confined by the Federal authorities at Lex- 
ington, Ky., during the past fall and winter, were regarded by 
Mr. Watson of much importance. 

For certain purposes which it would be irrelevant to state 
here, with a commission of C. S. colonel in my pocket. I went 
into Kentucky about the middle of October last. I was accom- 
panied by Col. R. J. Breckinridge and Major Steele. Upon 
reaching the interior, after passing over a country almost ruined 
by the marauding parties of both armies, by extraordinary 
exertions and precautions, we reached the hills of Owen County, 
on the Kentucky River, all safe. 

Colonel Morris, after a graphic account of his conceal- 
ment, encounters with Federal scouting parties, and capture, 
continues as follows : 

At Lexington we were carried to the ofiice of the provost- 
marshal, who, after insulting and using the most abusive lan- 
guage to us all, had us committed to the prison. The prison was 



392 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

an old warehouse, in a long room in which were about 120 men 
of all descriptions — Yankee deserteft, men belonging- to General 
Grant's army who had been sent through the lines by the Con- 
federate Government and captured in Kentucky, men who 
belonged to the guerrilla bands who infest the State, bounty 
jumpers, disaffected citizens, and Confederate soldiers. 

The executions under the bloody order of General Burbridge 
commenced about this time. One day immediately after my 
arrival the provost-marshal. Lieutenant Vance, came into the 
room, and looking over the men picked out fifteen. They were 
carried down-stairs. In a short time five of them returned. 
They had drawn lots for their lives and escaped ; the other ten 
were taken out and shot. The day after six others were carried 
out and executed. Three men who were brought in and be- 
longed to Jessee's command, within four hours after their arrival 
were carried from the prison and hung, and this went on until 
twenty-eight of our number, almost invariably Confederate 
soldiers, had fallen victims to this unheard-of barbarity. You 
may imagine — I cannot describe — the horror and dread which 
spread among the prisoners at witnessing these scenes. These 
men were not tried before a military commission or court 
martial. They were simply selected by the provost-martial, as 
it seemed to me, without any reference to the guilt or innocence 
of the parties, just as a butcher would go into a slaughter pen 
and select at his will the beeves or the sheep or the hogs which 
he might wish to destroy. The thing was very horrible. About 
one-half of the men in the prison were in irons, some of them 
with handcuffs on their wrists, others with balls and chains on 
their limbs ; many of them chained together two and two. 

^: ^ H< >!: ^ :j< ^ 

In the late part of January I was taken ill. I suffered greatly 
for several days. The doctor, who was kind, on the fourth day 
after my attack pronounced my disease smallpox or varioloid 
and decided to send me to the pest-house. A horse-cart was 
driven to the door of the prison and I was placed in it with a 
poor negro from another prison, and, with the wind blowing 
fiercely and the snow falling fast, we were carried to a house 
some three miles in the country, which was used as a hospital 
for smallpox patients of all kinds. My courage had been tried 
upon many a battlefield — I have confronted death in a thousand 
shapes — but never was it so severely tried as when I was con- 
ducted into the small room where I was to be treated for this 
loathsome disease. There were seven patients already in the 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 393 

room, several of them in the last stages of the disease, all of 
them horribly swollen and wretchedly offensive. My clothes, 
everything belonging to me except the chains upon my limbs, 
were taken from me and carried away. I was dressed in some 
old Federal traps and placed upon a straw mattress on a little 
iron bedstead. The same evening one of the men in my room 
died ; he was taken out at once to be buried, and I was imme- 
diately transferred to his place. There was a large negro on 
one side of me dreadfully ill, and beyond conception offensive. 
Next morning another man died. This poor fellow was from my 
prison, and like me had fetters upon his limbs. After his death 
men came in, knocked the chains from the stiffening corpse, 
and he was carried off. Immediately I was changed to his 
place. Next day another man, one of the negroes, died, and 
they were about to move me again, but I protested and they 
desisted. My attack was a slight one, and in ten days I was 
back in my prison quarters. Here, after remaining some time 
longer, it was announced to me that I was to be sent on for 
special exchange. My irons were taken off and I was placed 
upon the cars and sent to Louisville and thence to Fort Monroe. 
Such is an imperfect narrative of my capture and confinement. 
Very respectfully, 

J. D. Morris, 
Colonel, C. S. Army. 

City of Richmond, Va., to-wit: 

Col. J. D. Morris, C. S. Army, being by the undersigned duly 
sworn, made oath that the foregoing statement by him made 
is true, to the best of his knowledge and belief. 

Given under my hand this i8th day of March, 1865. 

R. R. HowisoN, 
Notary Public, Richmond, Va. 

Lexington, Ky., March 14, 1865. 
His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, 

President of the United States, Washington City, D. C. 
Sir : Not many months ago I was a prisoner of war In the 
hands of the Confederates, and my brother, Robert J. Breck- 
inridge, a colonel in the rebel army, exerted himself actively, 
though unsolicited, to effect my exchange and ministered very 
materially to my personal comfort while I was in confinement. 
He was recently captured in Kentucky and sent to the Ohio 
Penitentiary at Columbus. Concerning his capture or history 
I will say nothing, but that they who know him best know him 



394 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

to be an honorable and humane officer, and there can be no 
testimony to the contrary. I write now to ask and urge you 
with all earnestness to have him put upon the list for exchange. 
You have the power, you know my desire, and must feel better 
than I can express what I would say. 

Your obedient servant, with respect and some admiration, 

*JosEPH C. Breckinridge. 

(First indorsement.) 

March 20, 1865. 
Respectfully referred by the President to the Honorable 
Secretary of War. Jno. G. Nicolay, 

Private Secretary. 

(Fourth indorsement.) 

Office Commissary of Prisoners, 

Louisville, Ky., April i, 1865. 
Respectfully returned to the Commissary-General of Prison- 
ers, with the information that Col. R. J. Breckinridge, 
Provisional Army, Confederate States of America, is held as 
a prisoner of war, and is so reported in five-days' report of 
February 28, 1865. He was forwarded to the STATE PRISON 
AT COLUMBUS, OHIO, FEBRUARY ly, 1865, BY 
ORDER OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR, THROUGH 
MAJOR-GENERAL PALMER, COMMANDING DE- 
PARTMENT OF KENTUCKY. Chas. B. Pratt, 

Captain and Commissary of Prisoners. 

^ 'i^ "(^ -t* ^jc ^ sjc 

(Seventh indorsement.) 

April 7, 1865. 
This application is creditable to the good feeling of the appli- 
cant, but the undersigned sees no reason for making this case 
exceptional in the treatment of it. 

E. A. Hitchcock, 
Major-General of Volunteers. 

Richmond, March 20, 1865. 
Lieut. -Gen. U. S. Grant, U. S. Army. 

General: The following named Confederate soldiers are 
now in close confinement in the penitentiary at Nashville. They 
are all privates and belong to the commands indicated. Some, 
if not most of them, are dressed in convict clothes. 

*A general at headquarters in Washington during Spanish-American 
war. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 395 

H. L. Bell, Tenth Tennessee Cavalry ; John O. Scarborough, 
Eighth Kentucky; John S. Holder, Fourth Tennessee; Z. F. 
Bailey, Richard King, Eighth Kentucky; J. Phillips, H. F. 
Phillips, Lyon's command; R. B. Vaughan, Eleventh Ten- 
nessee Cavalry; William Andrews, First Kentucky Cavalry; 
Private Reaves, Ninth Tennessee; Y. K. Miller, Jesse 
Broadway, Forrest's command. 

I will thank you to cause an order to be issued for their 
release and delivery. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. OuLD, 
Agent for Exchange. 

Richmond, March 23, 1865. 
Brig.-Gen. John E. Mulford, Assistant Agent of Exchange. 

Sir : The officers who were recently sent from Nashville, 
Tenn., some eight or nine in number, concur in the statement 
that the following named Confederate officers and soldiers 
were hung in Nashville at the times named, to wit : 

Lieutenant Mosely, on the 30th day of September, 1864 
Capt. J. F. Fraley, Fourth Tennessee Cavalry, in May, 1864 
Private Lee Cathey, Forty-first Tennessee, in June, 1864 
Private Jesse Nearing, Thirty-second Tennessee, in June, 1864 
Private Robert T. Gossett, Forty-second Tennessee, on the 8th 
of July, 1864; two brothers by the name of West, belonging to 
the Thirty-second Tennessee, in June, 1864. 

Several of the returned officers witnessed the executions. 

These men belonged to regular commands and were in the 
discharge of their duty when captured. I will thank you to 
inform me why these executions took place, and why Con- 
federate soldiers, whom the fortune of war has thrown in the 
hands of your military authorities, are thus treated. It 
is very easy for you to find out the truth or falsity of this 
representation, and I therefore request an early response to 
this communication. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. OULD, 

Agent of Exchange. 

General Mulford took no notice of this letter from Com- 
missioner Ould, and no response was ever made from any 
source. 



CHAPTER XXXIX 

Departure from Canada — Journey to Cincinnati — Arrival and 
sojourn in Louisville — Preparations for journey to Virginia. 

We started from Toronto on the 2d day of February. 
Colonel Thompson gave us a letter of introduction to Colonel 
Steele at Windsor opposite Detroit. Steele was a refugee 
from Woodford County, Kentucky. We arrived at Windsor 
a little after i o'clock p. m. and slipped from the station 
out a back way without coming in contact with any one. We 
found Colonel Steele at home and upon his advice we took 
a note of introduction from him to an old Frenchman, who 
lived on the Detroit River twelve miles below Windsor, 
where Colonel Steele sent us in his sleigh. 

The Detroit River was wide here and continued to spread 
toward Lake Erie, six miles below. But it was frozen over. 
We walked across about dark and soon arrived near the 
little station on the railroad. 

The train from Detroit was not due for an hour, and to 
avoid meeting any one at the station we got on top of a long 
rick of cordwood beside the track and laid down. It was a 
relief, however, when we got in the car, as the weather was 
very cold. We secured seats together, and making connec- 
tion at Toledo we went on to Cincinnati. 

There were large bodies of troops here, but generally 
moving in and out in different directions by railroads and 
by steamboats on the Ohio River. 

It occurred to us that we might safely capture two horses 
here from Federal officers when we were ready to go South. 
We examined the ferries to Newport and Covington, Ky., 
several times to see what the chances would be to escape 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 397 

when we got the horses. It seemed to be an impossible route 
in every way. We had good chances to get the horses of 
officers that were hitched at headquarters and about gov- 
ernment supply depots, but there was also a good chance for 
a chase, and we must necessarily start on a strange route 
in the enemy's country until we could find a ferry up or down 
the river. 

Our stay in Cincinnati was not deemed safe any longer 
and we concluded to spend a few days in Louisville before 
starting to Virginia. We left Cincinnati in the afternoon on 
the mail steamer and arrived at Louisville the next day. Both 
of us knew the city well before the war. We stopped at 
Rufer's European Hotel on Fifth street for two days. Still 
there was danger that we might meet acquaintances who 
belonged to the Union Army in any public place, and we spent 
the third day in trying to find a boarding-house. It began 
to look as if we would fail, until we applied to Mrs. Lynn, 
who lived on the northeast corner of First and Main streets. 
She seemed anxious to accommodate us but was crowded for 
room. The only chance she said was to put us in a large 
room, which she showed us, that was occupied by Major 
McClurg, of Philadelphia, a surgeon in the army, if one 
of us would sleep with the Major and the other on a single 
bed which she would provide. We agreed to this, subject 
to the agreement of Major McClurg. We waited until he 
arrived for supper and were introduced. After we ex- 
plained that our homes were near Fort Wayne, Indiana, and 
our object to locate at Louisville in a business enterprise, 
he readily consented. We returned after supper and found 
our room in order. Colonel Martin decided to share the bed 
with Major McClurg. The evening was spent with the 
Major, on whom we endeavored to make a favorable impres- 
sion. In stating our plans for locating in Louisville we 
expressed belief that the war was virtually ended and a 
place on the border would be a good opening for business 
with the return of peace. It was our idea to be among the 



398 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

first to realize the advantages of the opportunity. And yet 
in the interim it might be best for us to secure situations and 
become famihar with the trade in the surrounding territory 
before investing the capital that would be at our command. 
The Major appeared to feel an interest in us, and while he 
doubted if with his acquaintance he could aid us in finding 
positions, yet he would cheerfully commend us to all who 
would have any regard for his recommendations. 

The Major was on duty at one of the military hospitals, 
where he was engaged for a brief period in the morning and 
again in the afternoon. 

We had a very good excuse now for spending time in 
our room at any hour of the day, and frequently the Major 
joined us and we engaged in the game of three-handed 
euchre. The Major explained to us the military conditions 
in Louisville and Kentucky, as we were from the country 
away up in Indiana and knew very little about the operations 
of troops in actual warfare. He said there were about twenty 
thousand infantry encamped in and around Louisville, many 
or most of them being new regiments that were being drilled 
and equipped for organization into brigades to be sent for- 
ward to General Thomas's army in Tennessee. He said 
Major-General John M. Palmer was commanding the army 
in Kentucky, with headquarters in Louisville on Chestnut 
street. 

The Major told us that the worst thing in the country was 
the guerrillas. He would work into a frenzy in telling about 
their operations. "The infernal villains," he would exclaim, 
"come up sometimes to the outskirts of the city and shoot the 
guards around the camps. They hide in the woods among 
the hills all over the State, and we have to keep cavalry in 
all the county-seats and infantry in stockades at all the rail- 
road bridges and tunnels or the scoundrels would ruin every- 
thing. But they dodge about and shoot our men from am- 
bush, shoot Union men, steal horses and everything else they 
want. They pay for nothing. I would not go out a mile 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 399 

beyond one of our camps for half this town !" were his words. 
"What do they look like?" we inquired. "I don't know," 
he answered; but continuing he said, "From what I have 
learned they are a good deal like the average rebels in appear- 
ance and wear all sorts of clothes and are regular dare- 
devils." 

I had not been in the city since August, 1859, but every 
building on Main street was familiar and many of the old 
firms were still in business. I was certain none of my old 
friends would know I had ever been in the Confederate 
Army. The old firm of Bryant, Harris & Barbee, for whom 
I had been bill clerk, was out of business, and Mr. Barbee 
lived out at Pewee Valley and was a strong rebel. 

I went to the Louisville Hotel. The office was crowded 
with officers of the army of all grades. Among them was 
General Palmer. I noticed he was a major-general, and a 
captain with whom I talked told me his name. 

I carried my discharge from the Confederate army at 
Knoxville, Tennessee, October 21, 1862, in my pocket, and 
if any Union officer or soldier recognized me I intended to 
claim that I was here seeking a situation in business where 
I had lived before the war, etc. 

When I went to my room at Mrs. Lynn's, Colonel Martin 
had returned. During the day he had met Dr. Benjamin 
Redford, a splendid ex-Confederate friend. Redford had 
been the first surgeon of the Tenth Kentucky Cavalry, the 
regiment of Colonel Johnson and Colonel Martin when they 
operated down in western Kentucky, in 1862, but on account 
of bad health had resigned and quit the service. Redford 
had told Martin of some fine horses that he hoped we could 
get when we were ready to go. They belonged to Major 
Julius Fosses of General Palmer's staff, and were kept in a 
stable near his office on Sixth street, between Chestnut and 
Broadway. Redford thought Fosses rode down to the Louis- 
ville Hotel every morning, which would be our best chance 
to see the horses. 



400 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

We went out Sixth street with Redford and located 
Fosses's office in a two-story brick dweUing. It was agreed 
that we would get two of Major Fosses's horses at night 
out of the stable and escape from the city without risk of 
pursuit, as we now knew there were no picket posts on any 
of the roads leading out of the city. We concluded to buy 
fine new saddles of the Texas ranger pattern, and other 
articles we contemplated buying while in Cincinnati. These 
things we intended to take in a buggy and hide them in the 
woods some miles out in the county, and it was deemed 
essential that we should know a good farmer who was a 
friend of the South. 

Next morning I conferred with Mr. Litchen. He did not 
know any one out in the county to recommend, but suggested 
that my old friend John M. Robinson, a wholesale dry goods 
merchant, was a Southern sympathizer and was well 
acquainted in the county. Mr. Robinson greeted me cor- 
dially when I took him alone to the middle of his store among 
the stacks of goods and told him my business. He at once 
recommended Dr. Thomas Bohanan, on the Eighteenth 
street or Salt River road, five miles from the city. Mr. Rob- 
inson kindly offered me assistance, financial or otherwise, 
which was appreciated but not needed. 

In the afternoon we hired a horse and buggy on Third 
street, between Market and Main streets, and drove out to 
Dr. Bohanan's. He gave us a hearty welcome and appre- 
ciated the opportunity to do us a favor. However, the woods 
adjacent to his farm were not suitable for hiding our 
baggage nor for us to conceal ourselves in case of an 
emergency. The Doctor suggested that his son Robert lived 
nine miles farther down the road in a heavily timbered 
locality, where there would be no danger to our baggage or 
ourselves. But he said he thought we were the biggest 
fools that he ever heard of in his life. He thought if we did 
not get caught and shot we would be lucky. No troops were 
encamped on this road except about Tenth street on Broad- 
way in the city. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 401 

The next morning we bought saddles, large gray saddle 
blankets, and halters from W. H. Stokes & Company, on 
Main street, and ordered them sewed up in burlap sacks. As 
soon as I could go and hire the horse and buggy we drove 
around to the store for our bundle and started 

We reached the home of Robert Bohanan, near Meadow 
Lawn, but found him away from home. An old negro 
woman in the kitchen said he would not return before night. 
We went around his farm to a place where the woods were 
dense and found a large fallen tree. We concealed our 
packages in the top of it with chunks and old leaves, and 
returned to the city without meeting Bohanan. This was on 
Friday, the 24th day of February, 1864. 



CHAPTER XL 

Plans and efforts to capture Vice-President-elect Andrew 
Johnson at the Louisville Hotel. 

After supper on the night of the 24th, Major McClurg was 
reading the daily paper and called our attention to a notice 
of the arrival, at the Louisville Hotel, of Andrew Johnson 
of Tennessee, Vice-President-elect on the ticket with Mr. 
Lincoln, reading it aloud. In a few minutes Martin gave 
me a significant nod, while the Major was still reading, and 
said it was time for us to go, winking at the same time. T 
readily assented, and Martin explained to the Major that 
we had an engagement but hoped to return before bedtime 
for a game of euchre. After we reached the street Martin 
said the idea had occurred to him that we might get the 
three Confederates Dr. Redford had named and take Johnson 
out of the Louisville Hotel and exchange him for Beall, or 
carry him through to Virginia as a prisoner of war. After 
discussing the subject and a great many different plans, we 
settled on one that we believed could be executed. But all 
depended on the location of Johnson's room in the hotel. 

We became enthusiastic over the adventure, upon the 
idea that if we could land Johnson in Richmond as a prisoner 
of war, it would result at least in a general exchange of 
prisoners and through him arrangements might be made to 
end the struggle. 

About 9 o'clock next morning I went to the Louisville 
Hotel to make observations. I found that Johnson occupied 
a room on the second floor on the ladies' side, about midway 
between the ladies' entrance and the dining-room and the 
stairway leading to the ladies' entrance from the street, I 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 403 

went down this stairway and found the door was attended 
by a negro servant who sat in the small hallway just inside 
the door, which was kept closed. This was the most favor- 
able situation we could possibly wish to find. 

When I descended to the office it was swarming with 
officers of the army of all grades. I secured a seat rather 
out of the passway and, with a newspaper before my face, 
sat and watched the crowd, hoping to get a glimpse of John- 
son. Presently, there was a stir in front of the office counter. 
General Palmer was the first man whom I recognized. He 
was introducing some officers to Andrew Johnson. Quite 
a crowd gathered around them, while officers and many 
ladies were leaning over the railing above and peering at 
the glittering throng below. Mr. Johnson was clean shaven 
and appeared to be in the best of health. Shortly after, 
General Palmer took Johnson's arm and they started up the 
stairway, followed perhaps by half a dozen officers and 
several citizens, among whom I recognized my former friend, 
George D. Prentice, the editor of the Louisville Journal. I 
learned from the clerk that Mr. Johnson would spend Sunday 
in the city. I then hastened up the street to meet Martin at 
our room. 

Martin had left Mrs. Lynn's with me in the morning and 
had gone to find Dr. Redford to have him get the three Con- 
federates for a conference. I waited for him until one 
o'clock, when he returned, and reported that he had not seen 
Redford and the best he could do was to get his father to 
send one of his clerks out of the store to find him by half 
past two. 

Martin was in great spirits when I reported my infor- 
mation of the situation at the Louisville Hotel. Our arrange- 
ments were easy to make now. 

It was our plan to hire a hack at 7 o'clock, put the three 
Confederates in it, and let them stop near the pavement about 
one hundred feet from the ladies' entrance and stay there 
until we came out with Johnson, when they would drive up 



404 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

promptly and all jump out to see that we got him in safely. 
Meanwhile, one of the men was to leave the hack and stand 
around near the ladies' entrance, peering through the glass 
window occasionally, to see when we came down the stair- 
way. He would then call out, "Oh, George!" which would 
be the signal for the hack to come quickly. 

Meanwhile, Martin and I would slip into the hotel to 
the second floor and, while Martin remained about the parlor, 
I would leisurely pass about Johnson's room and, if found 
vacant, go on to the dining-room door and ask the door- 
keeper if he was at supper, or whether he was yet to come. 
At all events, when he finished his supper we expected him 
to go to his room when he came out — perhaps alone, but if 
accompanied by one or more persons we would wait for them 
to come out. If Mr. Johnson came out with them we would 
appear and speak to him, claiming to be from Tennessee and 
having special business just for a few minutes, and get him 
to excuse himself from his company. But if alone we 
would be in better shape. I was to remind Johnson of 
meeting him at Nashville, and of being introduced by 
Emerson Etheridge, from Dresden in West Tennessee, and 
then begin an earnest story about an appointment for me by 
the President, of which Mr. Etheridge had spoken at the 
time, etc. When Johnson at any moment seemed to be 
listening to me and off his guard, Martin was to draw his 
pistol, unobserved, and get the drop on him, and in a moment 
I would cooperate. "This doesn't mean any harm. Just keep 
quiet a minute and I will tell you what it does mean, other- 
wise you will be killed in two seconds," were the words 
Martin was to use in a mild but positive manner. We took 
it for granted Johnson would have enough curiosity to listen 
quietly rather than be killed. Then Martin would tell him 
quietly, and with earnest eyes and voice, that we had two 
friends who were confined at Tenth and Broadway, who 
were condemned to be shot the next Friday, and we came in 
here to capture General Palmer and take him out in the 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 405 

country about twenty miles to hold him as a hostage for those 
two men, but have a chance to take you (Johnson) quietly 
without hurting a hair of your head. If you go with us 
quietly, well and good. If you refuse we will kill you right 
here. And then demand his surrender instantly. We be- 
lieved he would surrender, for all these remarks were to be 
made so fast that Johnson would have no time to consider, 
while our navy sixes would be pointed at his breast. How- 
ever, if he called out or cried murder, then we would back 
out, holding him at bay until I got out the key and put it on 
the outside, when we would lock the door, and if met by any 
one near by we would tell them there was a crazy man inside, 
while we would quietly or by force descend the stairway, 
pass out the ladies' entrance to our hack, and drive away. If 
Johnson surrendered, then we would instruct him to walk 
between us, prepared to die the moment he raised an alarm. 
We would then escort him to the hack and drive away as 
explained above. After leaving the hotel we would drive 
down Main to Eighth street, thence to Market and down to 
Twelfth street, out then to Broadway and on out the 
Eighteenth street road. 

In the latter event we did not expect to be pursued, so 
intended to stop in front of some saloon on Market street and 
send the driver inside with two dollars to buy us a quart of 
whisky, while our man on the driver's seat would hold the 
horses. The moment the driver disappeared inside we would 
drive rapidly away and leave him behind. 

These details were well understood between Martin and 
me and he hurried away to meet Redford. He proposed to 
go with Redford to find the men and bring them to our 
room, where I was to remain and wait for their arrival. 
Major McClurg never came before 6 o'clock, so we could 
drill the men thoroughly on their part outside the hotel, 
which was attended with little risk unless in an emergency 
they might have to come to our assistance to help hold 
rescuers at bay until we could all get into the hack and escape. 



406 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

One of the men, however, was to sit on the seat with the 
driver all the time and never let him drive away and leave us. 

Martin returned to the room about 5 o'clock. He found 
Redford and they made the rounds to find the three Con- 
federates, but they only found one. Another was staying 
across the river in Jeffersonville, Indiana, at the house of a 
relative. A messenger had been sent over for him. The one 
Martin saw, a fine fellow from Tennessee, was ready to help 
us without being told what we proposed to do. They were 
to come to our room by 6 o'clock at the latest, otherwise 
they were to go one at a time into the restaurant on Jefferson 
street, just below the Masonic Temple Theater, and wait 
until Martin or Redford arrived. 

Martin had told Redford about our plan and he had pro- 
posed to stand in front of the Louisville Hotel and come to 
our aid in an emergency; and, especially, to hold the hack 
horses by the bridle bit as if he was trying to keep us from 
leaving, but would turn them loose at the proper moment and 
push any one else away, if necessary, who might try to catch 
the horses after we got in. Redford had already shown 
Martin a hack with a negro driver, and Martin had engaged 
it to be at the corner of Sixth and Main streets promptly at 
a quarter to 7 o'clock, and then wait for him to come. The 
hackman understood that a party of gentlemen were to drive 
for a couple of hours or more. 

It was a long hour from 5 to 6 o'clock, and yet none of 
our Confederate boys appeared. After supper we again 
excused ourselves from Major McCiurg, and went around 
to the restaurant to meet Redford and the Confederates. 
We found Redford and one of the hoys, the one Martin saw, 
waiting for us. This one had failed to find his friend in 
the afternoon but had left a message for him to come there. 
In about half an hour he arrived. Not long afterwards the 
one from Jeffersonville came in. After a few pleasant re- 
marks, and eating some oysters, an engagement was made 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 407 

to meet on the levee Sunday morning at lo o'clock, when we 
would go up on the river bank and talk without attracting 
any attention. 

As it was now 8 o'clock, Martin suggested that I go 
and release the hackman by paying his bill, and then make 
some observations of Johnson's movements in the hotel, 
while he would remain with the men and see if they were 
true-blue before we took them into our confidence. 

I soon got through with the hackman and entered the 
hotel, which was like a bee-hive as before. I could not see 
Johnson anywhere, so passing up-stairs, along with others, 
I strolled around toward Johnson's room. The door was 
wide open and he seemed to be receiving friends. At least 
half a dozen persons were in the room. I stopped at the 
door a moment as it seemed to be a jolly crowd, but they 
did not appear to notice me. All were standing about the 
fireplace, and Johnson's back was to the door. I moved 
away and stood in the hall near the parlor for a short time. 
It did not appear that any one was specially noticing other 
people. The crowd up-stairs was not large, being mostly 
ladies. All seemed to be gazing over the railing on the crowd 
below. It looked to me that, if Johnson was alone, we could 
take him now or might do it later in the evening. I hurried 
back to the restaurant but found my friends gone. 

When I reached our room at 9.30 Martin and Major Mc- 
Clurg were playing euchre. "Did you see that man?" Mar- 
tin inquired. I told him I did. He excused himself for a 
moment and drew me out into the hall. He had sounded 
the three Confederates well. They were veterans, had all 
made daring escapes, and were ready to join us in whatever 
we expected to undertake before our departure. I told Mar- 
tin briefly what a good opening there would be when John- 
son's company broke up and he was left alone, etc., but of 
course it was too late now as the men had separated and had 
gone to their stopping places. 



408 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

It was deemed best, next morning, for Redford and me 
to remain away and let Martin alone arrange with the men 
on the levee, as four men would attract less attention than 
six. Then we all met together at the same restaurant on 
Jefferson street at 12 o'clock. Martin had a thorough under- 
standing with the men and they all told me they would stay 
with us to the last, if we had any trouble in escaping from 
the hotel. 

We soon separated to meet at Sixth and Main streets 
promptly at 6 o'clock. And at the appointed hour every man 
reported on time. Martin had secured the same hackman 
again, and he was there. I did not stand in the crowd, neither 
did Redford. Martin had a talk with the driver and then 
directed one of the men to take his stand near the ladies' 
entrance. The other two stood around the hack, it being 
understood that one of them was to ride on the seat outside 
with the driver, as we had a friend in the hotel who was to 
go along if he had finished supper. 

At 7 o'clock I passed into the hotel and into the upper 
corridor, taking a seat by the railing. In a few minutes 
Martin came up and sauntered around toward the ladies' 
parlor, across the hall from me, and found a chair where he 
looked at what appeared to be a letter. I walked down the 
hall, passing Johnson's room slowly. There was no light 
inside, so I walked on to the dining-room door. A number 
of gentlemen with ladies, and officers, were in the hall going 
both ways. I looked into the dining-room but could not see 
Johnson anywhere. The doorkeeper, or usher, told me he 
had not been in yet and said he did not eat dinner until two 
o'clock. I reported to Martin and resumed my seat, which 
was near the inner wall over the east side of the office — 
where I was not conspicuous — and kept a close watch below 
and about the halls up-stairs for Johnson. Martin was doing 
the same, and moved around toward the main stairway, going 
into the reading-room and gentlemen's parlor, but he strag- 
gled out again and sat down to wait. Probably an hour had 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 409 

elapsed when Martin proposed to go down by the ladies' 
entrance and tell the boys to be patient. He returned pres- 
ently, and said he had made a friend of the servant that stood 
at the door inside. He said the servant was a woman this 
time, and he said he told her he was every minute expecting 
his mother to arrive at the hotel from Cincinnati, and that he 
was waiting for her. We loafed around up there, without a 
thing to do, until 8.30 p. m. Johnson never appeared any- 
where. I passed his room several times, just walking back 
and forth for exercise, thinking perhaps he was asleep. I 
finally knocked on his door but there was no response. If 
he answered I was going to say I was a friend and would 
call later — at the same time asking what time he would be 
up. I resumed my seat and watch on the crowd below. 
Martin went down again to hold the men, and on his return 
reported them all waiting but a little cold and afraid to go 
after a drink, but he told them to go and bring back a half 
pint for the driver. It was now after 9 o'clock and, after 
sitting quietly a while, Martin got up without saying a word, 
walked around the passageway and down the stairway to 
the office, following two or three persons down. He then 
edged through the crowd to the counter and talked a minute 
to the clerk, then moved out toward the front door, and look- 
ing up at me motioned for me to follow. I went down and 
out the ladies' stairway. Martin settled with the hackman 
and dismissed him. Then taking me to one side he said he 
had asked the clerk if "Governor Johnson of Tennessee was 
in." The clerk answered that Governor Johnson left on a 
boat at 5 o'clock in the afternoon for Cincinnati. Martin 
then explained the fortunate or unfortunate termination of 
our expedition to our Confederate friends, who left us to 
meet again when we were ready to go out. 

We realized that we had lost a great opportunity when we 
neglected the one vital question. It would have been easy 
to learn that Johnson was going away on that boat, but in 
arranging details that thought never occurred to us. 



410 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

On the boat was the very place of all others to get John- 
son. Our party of five could have taken passage on the 
boat, some for one place, some for another. At an auspi- 
cious moment we could have captured all on board in detail, 
and had the boat landed at a convenient place in the woods, 
after securing all the firearms on board and all that might 
have been worn concealed by passengers. We could have 
camped in the woods until three of the party went out and 
secured five horses by fair means or force, and by riding all 
night we would have been at least twenty miles from the 
Ohio River in a friendly country. 

This was an hour and night of bitter disappointment. The 
opportunity had been ours, perhaps, to perform a service 
which might have affected the destiny of our country. 



CHAPTER XLI 

Capture horses of Major Julius Fosses in Louisville — Escape 
from the city — Journey to Abingdon, Virginia. 

There remained but one thing now to do in Louisville, 
and that w^as to capture horses and proceed on our journey 
to Richmond. Just how to get horses was still a perplexing 
question. It was agreed, however, that we would go out in 
the city separately and locate all headquarters for Federal 
officers and depots or warehouses for the storage of govern- 
ment supplies. There was one such place opposite Mrs. Lynn's 
boarding-house on the corner of First street, fronting on 
Main. A number were found near the railroad stations and 
on several streets. As a rule there was never more than one 
good horse hitched. We passed General Palmer's head- 
quarters and found more horses there than elsewhere, but 
there were also armed sentinels near and frequently orderlies 
accompanied officers and did not dismount but held the 
horses. Neither of us had found a satisfactory opening for 
horses when we returned at i o'clock for dinner. 

The time was spent in our room until 4 o'clock in the 
afternoon. It had been determined to go that night and 
get Major Fosses's horses out of his stable. Our baggage 
was packed now in saddle-bags and everything made ready 
for our departure except settling with Mrs. Lynn. We 
could not afford to do this because we were not sure of 
horses and might want to remain longer. 

We left the house at 7 o'clock, going down Main to 
Sixth and out by the office of Major Fosses. The front 
rooms were lighted and we noticed through the windows 
several persons inside. There were also lights in the rear 



412 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

or ell rooms. It was a starlight night and pleasant weather. 
Indeed, everything seemed propitious provided the inmates 
or company should retire before 9 o'clock. For the streets 
in this locality were in a manner deserted after that hour 
and we would be objects of notice by the squads of soldiers 
on patrol duty that might pass at any moment. We were not 
especially concerned about this if we could secure the horses 
and reach the street without a fight, but we did not want to 
get hemmed in the alley and be obliged to run a gauntlet to 
escape. After walking around a while we returned to 
Fosses's about 9 o'clock. The house was closed and dark 
except in the kitchen, where an old negro woman was sitting 
by a dim firelight. We passed on to the stable but found the 
door locked. It proved harder to open than we had expected, 
but just as we had conceived a plan to force the lock a dog 
rose up behind the stable and began to growl. The noise 
indicated a big, savage dog. We could not afford to let him 
come around and bite us or alarm the neighborhood, nor 
could we afford to shoot him for the same reason. In either 
case we could not get the horses. We hastily retired, noise- 
lessly as possible, walking away without attracting attention. 
But we abandoned the idea of securing those horses. 

The next morning we started out together to visit all the 
headquarters and government stores that we had found the 
day before. We had been to four or five of these but did 
not find two good horses at the same place and we wanted 
nothing else. It was unwise to risk a chase on a poor horse. 
Martin's new boots began to hurt his feet after we had 
walked an hour or more, so he stopped at the familiar 
restaurant on Jefferson street to wait, while I hired a horse 
and buggy. We then drove by Fosses's. The house was 
closed but the stable door was wide open and the horses out. 
There did not seem to be any one about the premises. Martin 
got out and went to the kitchen, where he found the old 
negro woman. Upon inquiry it was learned Major Fosses 
was not expected to return before supper time. She said in 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 413 

answer to a question that the hostler and orderly would be 
back but they did not know anything about the business. 

Just for this occasion we wanted to interview Major 
Fosses or his orderly to learn whether the Tenth Ohio 
Cavalry was with General Thomas in Tennessee, or with 
General Sherman in South Carolina. We had relatives in 
the regiment that we were going to see, provided it was with 
Thomas. Major Fosses being inspector-general of cavalry 
on Palmer's staff, we supposed he might know. At all events 
there would be no harm for us to inquire. 

We proceeded down Broadway, driving about the supply 
depots, but without any success. As we returned up Broad- 
way we had just passed Sixth street when we observed two 
horsemen turn the corner of Fourth street, coming down 
Broadway toward us, leading another horse. We readily 
recognized the horses, orderly and negro. They passed us 
about Fifth street when we were driving leisurely along, and 
we did not look back at them or show any concern. As soon as 
they turned into Sixth street, we hurried after them, hoping 
to reach the stable before the saddles were taken off. As 
we reached the front, Martin jumped out and walked delib- 
erately back to the stable without waiting for me. I hitched 
our horse to a small sycamore tree that stood in a row on 
the outer edge of the pavement. I found Martin and the 
orderly talking outside the stable several feet from the door, 
I asked Martin if he could find out anything about the Tenth 
Ohio. He said he could not. The orderly appeared pleasant 
and friendly. Martin asked him which horse he rode, at 
the same time moving toward the stable. We all passed in, 
talking about horses. We asked several questions about the 
horses, meanwhile getting between the orderly and the door. 
The hostler had the saddles off and hung up and was now 
in a stall putting a blanket on the black horse. Martin gave 
me a nod of ready and drew his pistol. I drew mine. He 
told the orderly we were Southern officers and wanted two of 
his horses but did not want to hurt him unless it was nee- 



414 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS ' 

essary. I had glanced at the negro boy and he was crouched 
in a corner. But I kept my eyes on the orderly, A scornful 
smile passed over his face and he blushed. I thought he 
considered our performance a joke. But when Martin told 
him we had no time to lose and demanded a surrender, a 
vicious look came over the orderly's face. He squared him- 
self and declared we could' not take the horses. I told the 
negro to put a saddle on the sorrel horse quick and he 
jumped to comply. I then turned my pistol on the orderly 
and Martin pointed his at his face. The orderly weakened 
here and said he had no arms. He was dead game and 
would have fought us both had there been any chance for 
him to resist. Martin told the negro to saddle the black 
horse and make no mistake about anything or he would be 
shot. I finished the equipment of the sorrel. 

Martin led his horse out and mounted. He then suggested 
that we ought to send our regards to Major Fosses. I had 
the negro boy hold my reins and, taking out a memorandum 
book, wrote: 

Compliments of 

Col. Robert M. Martin, 

Lieut. John W. Headley, 
Feby. 28, 1864. loth Kentucky Cavalry, C. S. A. 

I tore out the leaf and handed it to the orderly, who was 
smiling as if he felt plagued. "You can tell the Major," 
I added, "if he ever comes South and needs horses he can 
have ours on the same terms." I led my horse out and locked 
the stable door, putting the key in my pocket. 

As we rode out on the street a white woman was pump- 
ing water about forty feet away, but fortunately there were 
not many people on the street. Some were soldiers, but 
unarmed. However, we did not attract any attention and 
halted for a few moments. Martin suggested that we might 
go and get our baggage now instead of coming back for it. 
I assented and we rode along leisurely to Walnut street, and 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 415 

then at a brisker gait up Walnut to Third, along Third to 
the post-office on the corner of Green, up Green to Brook, and 
then within a few steps of Main street. Martin proposed to 
stay with the horses on Brook if I would go after our bag- 
gage. When I went to our room it was 10.30 o'clock, but an 
old negro woman was putting it in order. I had no time to 
wait. I told her that I thought I had a chill and must have 
a fire. I proposed to give her a quarter to make one quickly, 
and handed her a quarter in fractional currency. She hurried 
out after the fuel while I gathered the saddle-bags and over- 
coats. I passed down lightly to the front door unobserved by 
any one in the house. Just as I stepped out a company of 
infantry arrived and formed in line on the pavement in front 
of the house, but I went on to the gate and halted a moment. 
I felt frightened but soon saw they were to draw supplies 
from the commissary store across the street. They broke 
ranks and nearly monopolized the pavement. I looked up 
the street and saw Martin peeping around the corner. I 
made my way through the soldiers with some fears that Mrs. 
Lynn might see me going away with the baggage and call 
on the soldiers to stop me until I settled her bill, but I had 
no further trouble. Our baggage was securely fastened, then 
we rode out Brook street a couple of squares and then 
meandered eastward in order that pursuing cavalry would 
lose our trail. At the outskirts of the city we were coming 
upon a large encampment of infantry on a thinly shaded com- 
mon. Their tents were on both sides of the pike. We were 
about the middle of the last square riding slowly and talking 
about going back to make another circuit in another direc- 
tion. At this moment we heard running horses behind, and 
looking back, saw that four horsemen had just turned the 
second corner in our rear and were coming toward us in 
a gallop. We had no chance to turn off on either side. If 
we rode back they would reach the first cross street ahead of 
us. We realized that we must run through the camp or wait 
for our pursuers and fight. 



416 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Martin suggested that we ride slowly, and when called on 
to halt we would appear indifferent and halt, but turn 
around; then dash through the party, firing to kill. We 
separated, one of us riding on each side of the center of the 
street, with pistols in our laps, so that they could not shoot 
at one and hit the other, I was not to look but wait the word 
from Martin. He looked back the last time when the horse- 
men seemed within fifty feet of us. "It's all right," he said, 
"they all have gauntlets on both hands." And so they did, 
which showed they were not prepared to shoot. They did 
not halt us but galloped on between us. They turned off 
to the encampment on the left-hand side. One of the officers 
was a brigadier-general, the others were staff officers. 

We were near the encampment now and thought it safe 
to go through. There were a number of soldiers on the pike 
and some were mounted but not armed. We jogged along 
for half a mile, perhaps, paying no attention to the soldiers 
except to speak, before there was a chance to leave the pike. 
We went through a big gate into a horse lot, then out at 
another big gate into a field. We then made a bee-line for 
the nearest woods without regard to roads or fences, though 
it was several miles before we reached a place where we 
dared to stop. We entered the woods between two high 
hills, and after following a wagon track around the foot of 
a hill for perhaps a hundred yards we noticed a Federal 
soldier walking slowly toward us at a little distance. He 
looked a moment or two and suddenly sat down on a log. 
He said he lived in the neighborhood and was at home on 
furlough. We told him we were agents for the Government 
to buy cattle and had just started out for a two-day trip. 
He was greatly relieved, as he had feared we were guerrillas. 
After riding a short distance we were out of sight and we 
made our way by a circuitous route to the top of the hill, 
where we concluded to rest the remainder of the day. Here 
we had a glimpse of the city and a view of the valley that 
lay between, stretching away to the right and left, and 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 417 

could see teams and horsemen on several roads leading out 
of the city on both sides of our location. It was not long 
before we saw cavalry on two different roads, not a mile from 
our retreat, going at unusual speed. On one road there must 
have been two hundred in the column. But the one that 
interested us most was moving slowly along the pike we 
had abandoned and was not more than half a mile distant. 
They stopped at two different houses and halted a team and 
buggy that were going toward the city. While we thought 
they had gotten news of us at the camp on the pike it appeared 
they had lost our trail. They moved on out the road to 
the country but their road did not come in our direction. 
The woods were dense around us and to the south and west. 
We did not believe we could be overtaken even if trailed. 
We hitched our horses on the side of the hill toward the 
city, taking our position on the crest — it being our purpose, 
if necessary, to escape along the side of the hill toward the 
southwest. However, we were not discovered ; but felt 
relieved when the sun went down and night came on. 

That hill is the Jacob Park Hill now (1905). 

I wrote a letter there to Mrs. Lynn, dated "In the woods, 
Jefferson County, Ky., March i, 1864," enclosing a ten- 
dollar bill to pay the balance due her for board. Special 
regards were sent to Major McClurg, with an admonition 
that he should not make a practice of sleeping with guerrillas 
because he had found in us two harmless companions. I 
signed our names officially to the letter. 

We left our place at dark and found our way across the 
valley by making inquiry at one farm-house, reaching Bob 
Bohanan's at 1 1 o'clock. We remained until g o'clock next 
morning. Bohanan was a good friend and made us com- 
fortable in his bachelor home. He went out when the stage- 
coach passed and bought the Lonisinlle Journal. It gave an 
account of our adventure, headed "Guerrillas in the city." 
It was stated that we were last seen on the Elizabethtown 
road and that forces were in pursuit. 



418 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Bohanan went with us to the woods where our new saddles 
were concealed. We left the Fosses saddles as a present to 
Mr. Bohanan. They did not compare with our new ones 
purchased from Stokes & Co. 

After getting directions across the hilly country from Mr. 
Bohanan, and leaving our letter to Mrs. Lynn for him to 
mail in the city, we bade him good-by and started on our 
journey to Virginia. The route led through a broken and 
generally wooded country and we were making a circuit 
around Louisville for five or six hours, traveling an easterly 
course. Early in the afternoon we descended into a little 
valley near Brooks station on the Louisville & Nashville 
Railroad, thirteen miles from the city. A train from the 
South crowded with soldiers whistled for the station when 
we were within two hundred yards. We halted and waited 
for it to pass on, though we grew a little impatient, as it 
stood there for at least half an hour. When the way was 
clear we proceeded across the track at the station and con- 
tinued along the road to the east. We went about lo or 12 
miles farther and stopped for the night at a farm-house. It 
was raining the next morning but we concluded to travel, 
as we were going through an unfrequented section and 
wanted to hurry to a safer distance from Louisville. About 
4 o'clock in the afternoon we emerged from the poor, hilly 
section into an open, fertile country. Our horses were 
covered with mud and we were wet from head to foot. We 
had been cold for several hours in the steadily drenching 
rain and began to look for a suitable stopping place. About 
two hundred yards from the hills we reached a good-look- 
ing home where we felt sure everything would be comfort- 
able, and shouted "Hello!" A youth about 16 years of age 
came out. He said his father was not at home but he would 
see his mother. She soon appeared in the front door, and 
after a little explanation on our part invited us to come in. 
The youth took our horses, insisting that we go to the fire. 
He brought our saddles without undoing our rolls of 
blankets and halters that were strapped on, and put them on 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 419 

the back porch of the house, where he said they would be 
safe. Davis was the name of the family, and this home was 
eight miles south of Taylorsville, where a garrison was 
stationed. We soon learned that the old gentleman was a 
Union man and was now in Louisville. But all the members 
of the family were strong Southern sympathizers. Billy, 
the youth who first met us, and his elder sister were open 
rebels. There were a number of negroes about the out- 
houses, and we were a little restless here, but considering 
the weather we were willing to risk the chances; although 
the adjacent country to the south and east was said to be 
swarming with guerrillas. The Federal cavalry raided in 
this section constantly. After sitting up by a comfortable fire 
since 4 o'clock, by the time we got supper we were drowsy, 
so retired soon after dark. 

When we came down-stairs the next morning the old 
gentleman met us and introduced himself, calling us by our 
names. "Oh, I know you," he said, "and I know your 
horses too." Of course we were surprised, but he explained 
by saying he was in the office of the Louisville Hotel when 
the orderly rushed in, with our note of compliments, and 
inquired wildly for Major Fosses. And from the descrip- 
tion of the orderly he said he would have recognized us and 
the horses anywhere. He did not impress us as being much 
against the South, for he was highly elated over our exploit. 
And in fact we were right, as we soon found out, though 
he was known and recognized as a Union man by the 
authorities. He was the county judge of Spencer County. 

A short time after breakfast a neighbor rode up and came 
in. He wore a long-tailed, home-made brown-jeans over- 
coat, with old-fashioned plain brass buttons. He was a 
magistrate. We found him a strong rebel sympathizer. He 
proposed to go in our direction and pilot us through the 
woods for five miles into the edge of the hills among the 
guerrillas. Two of Judge Davis's daughters went along for 
a mile or more, and left us to visit a neighbor. Just as we 
entered the hilly country we came to a cottage that stood 



420 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

on a little farm and not far from our dim wagon road. The 
Squire was to stop here to see a wounded guerrilla. We 
concluded to stop a few minutes, as I wanted to light my 
pipe. 

The wounded soldier was lying in front of the fireplace 
on a pallet. He could hardly move himself. And no wonder, 
as one Minie ball and eight pistol balls had been fired into 
his body, legs, arms and face. A company of Federal cavalry 
had surprised him in a house in daylight. He was sur- 
rounded, but made a dash to escape amid a shower of bul- 
lets. Several of the enemy had fallen before his horse was 
killed, and he himself went down with a Minie ball through 
his leg. He continued to fire as he lay on the ground, but 
his pistol was emptied. The enemy then rushed upon him 
and shot him with pistols until they thought he was surely 
dead, when he was left lying in the road. One ball had 
entered his cheek and made its exit below the jaw-bone on 
the other side. His face was badly swollen and bandaged. 
Indeed this was true also of his body and limbs. He opened 
his eyes as we took seats and was told that we were friends. 
After looking at us a moment he smiled and said, "Bob and 
Bud." These were our boyhood nicknames. The poor 
fellow before us was Tom Henry. He was noted now as a 
partisan ranger or guerrilla in this section, where the Federal 
cavalry seldom ventured for fear of ambuscades. Henry, 
though left for dead by the Federals, was alive when found 
by friendly neighbors. 

Tom Henry is a good farmer and still lives ( 1905) in Crit- 
tenden County, Kentucky. 

Presently, another friend rode up and came in. He was 
introduced as "Captain Berry." This was the famous "One- 
armed Berry," who ranked among the foremost of the daring 
leaders of partisan warfare at this period in Kentucky. He 
was a man of fine form physically and a gentleman in appear- 
ance and manners. There was nothing ordinary about him. 
His face denoted intelligence, but there was little in the genial 
countenance to indicate the daring spirit of the man. He 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 421 

appeared to be about twenty-five years old. One arm had 
been taken off just below the elbow, but with the other he 
was an expert marksman and could manage his horse at the 
same time in a fight, "Sue Munday" (Jerome Clark), 
another noted chieftain, was in the neighborhood but we did 
not meet him. He was a romantic character, apart from his 
dare-devil exploits, for the reason that he wore long hair 
like a woman and resembled one in face and form. The 
celebrated "Ouantrell," of Missouri, was also within a few 
miles and an active leader among the partisan bands that 
were operating at this period in this section of Kentucky. 
Captain Berry conducted us by a pathway through the woods 
for about two miles to a distillery and, getting directions 
from him as to our route, we proceeded on our journey and 
spent the night about ten miles southeast of Lawrenceburg. 
In this neighborhood we heard of scouting parties of Federal 
cavalry in all directions. It was deemed best to conceal our- 
selves in the woods and travel at night. As we did not like 
our location we continued traveling and reached the house of 
a friend before morning, to whom we had been directed, 
on the bank of the Kentucky River. There was quite a 
stretch of hills here along the river, with dense undergrowth 
in the woods, and we remained concealed for several days. 
We learned that Federal cavalry were active in all the country 
around and that they were scouting day and night. It 
occurred to us that the military authorities in Louisville had 
learned that we were the same men who were wanted in Nev/ 
York City and that an unusual effort was being made to 
capture us before we could escape from the State. We con- 
sequently decided to camp out until we could reach the 
mountains. 

We traveled neighborhood roads altogether, but stopped 
at a cross-roads place called Providence, ten miles south 
of Lexington. There was a store here and several citizens 
stood around the door. As we rode up and halted a moment 
one of them remarked, "These look like the boys now." One 
gentleman had a newspaper and had just read to the crowd 



422 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

our letter to Mrs. Lynn, from the Louisville Journal. All 
were friends. I bought a pocket-knife and some cigars at 
the store. We watched like hawks now, for this was near 
the headquarters of Burbridge. 

We stopped in the afternoon with a friend, to whose 
house we had been sent, but camped in the woods. This 
was midway between Lexington and Winchester. We 
reached the home of Mrs. Hamilton, a widow, four miles 
from Mt. Sterling, for supper, but there were so many 
darkies here we did not eat in the house. It was still showery 
but we proceeded, after getting directions, to a friend near 
Slate Creek on the pike running from Mt. Sterling to 
Owingsville. At this house we were directed for about ten 
miles, but as it was cloudy and very dark we did not go far. 
We decided to camp until sun-up, and then proceed, so as to 
reach the mountains early in the day, where we would feel 
safe. We accordingly went intO' a woods pasture over a 
ridge to the rear about three hundred yards from the pike, 
and made our bed under a large tree. 

It was not yet sun-up when we awoke and heard a con- 
siderable noise in the direction of the turnpike. There were 
horses neighing and men's voices. In a minute we were up 
and mounted our horses, which were hitched to swinging 
limbs, with the saddles on. We rode near enough to the 
top of the ridge to look over, when we discovered a com- 
mand of Federal cavalry leaving the pasture — at a gap where 
we came in. It appeared that the troops had, like ourselves, 
stopped in on account of darkness. They rode toward Mt. 
Sterling, which we appreciated, as it indicated they had 
been on a scout on the mountain road the day before and 
had returned too late to reach Mt. Sterling. It must have 
been later than lo o'clock when they entered the pasture the 
night before. After they were out of sight we came out 
on the pike at the gap they had left down and continued on 
our journey. The distance was yet over a hundred miles to 
Pound Gap in the mountain that divides Virginia and 
Kentucky. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 423 

We soon entered Bath County, where we spent the day in 
the woods but among friends, and at night were entertained 
at the liome of Mrs. John Fickhn, whose husband was in the 
Confederate Army. She insisted that we should take a 
good night's rest. If I remember rightly she had some friend 
remain on watch all night to see that we were not surprised. 
We took the risk and occupied a bed. In this neighborhood 
we were joined by Lieut. J. M. Brother and Joseph Bell. 
Brother was at home, in Bath County, on furlough from 
John C. Breckinridge. Bell's home was at Harrodsburg, 
Kentucky. He belonged to Morgan's command. At the 
beginning of the war Brother had served in Hampton's 
(South Carolina) Legion, then was a lieutenant in the Fifth 
Kentucky Infantry for one year, when he was appointed 
adjutant of the Second Kentucky Battalion of cavalry. 
Brother had made a number of journeys through the moun- 
tains and we were glad to follow his lead to Virginia. 

We traveled the "Rebel trail," as he called the route, by 
Tom Greenwade's, Boone Howard's, and "Long Bill" 
Lykens'. We crossed the State road, twelve miles above 
Hazel Green, and going up Johnson's Creek and passing 
over mountains, from creek to creek, we went along Quick- 
Sand, Buckhorn and Troublesome; thence along the head- 
waters of Kentucky River to Pound Gap and on to Abingdon, 
Virginia. 

There was but one place where we experienced a fright. 
The Union "bushwhackers" threatened us on Troublesome 
Creek, and we laid out on the mountainside one night, keep- 
ing one man up on guard. 

At Abingdon we learned that General Basil W. Duke's 
command was encamped near the town. This was the rem- 
nant of Morgan's old division that was out of prison, and 
General Duke had been in command since Morgan's death. 

We hurried out to the encampment, two miles distant, to 
meet our old friends. Some of the men while on an expedi- 
tion up in West Virginia had brought back a Cincinnaii 
paper which contained an account of our adventure in Louis- 



424 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

ville. The men turned out to greet us and see Major Fosses's 
horses. Colonel Martin especially received an ovation. He 
was serenaded and compelled to make a speech. 

We found that General Duke's headquarters were in town 
and we rode back early at night to call on him and get passes 
to Richmond so that we could proceed without delay. 

General Duke was accompanied by his wife, who was a 
sister of General Morgan, and we spent an hour delightfully 
in their company. Captain Charlton Morgan, the youngest 
brother of Mrs. Duke, v/as on the staff. I had never met 
General Duke before, as he was in prison when I became 
attached to the command. He had borne, from the begin- 
ning, a reputation only second to Morgan, and v/as now the 
idol of the old division. General Duke was a spare-made, 
wiry man of medium height and appeared to be about 27 
years old. He would be recognized by a stranger in a 
moment as a man of force and dashing courage. It was 
nov/ claimed that he had no equal as a commander in the 
cavalry service, barring Forrest. 

There was a new inspiration in the companionship of our 
old friends and in the atmosphere of sacred old Virginia. 



CHAPTER XLII 

Journey to Richmond — Richmond and Petersburg evacuated — 
Government flees to the South — Retreat of Lee and sur- 
render at Appomattox — Detained at Lynchburg — Escape to 
the West and South — Terms of peace. 

The special mission on which we were going to Richmond 
was now the matter of chief concern to us. It was found 
that the raih'oad from Abingdon had been damaged by the 
expeditions of the enemy, under General Averill from the 
Federal army of the Shenandoah Valley, and we were obliged 
to proceed on horseback. 

We learned at Salem that we could get a train at Roanoke 
station, for Burkesville Junction. After a day's rest a few 
miles in the country near the base of the Blue Ridge Moun- 
tains, we left our horses and baggage with a farmer until our 
return. 

This was the last day of March. We boarded the train, 
but only got as far as Lynchburg that day on account of 
delays. It was a mixed train, handling passengers and 
freight, and everything was irregular and out of order. 
The next day we left Lynchburg and arrived at Burkesville 
Junction in the afternoon, where we waited some time for 
the train from Danville going to Richmond. At last we 
got this train and were on the way to Richmond, but, at 
Coalfield station, nine miles from Richmond, we were halted 
again about 9 o'clock p. m. 'After waiting here for hours, 
the passengers, nearly all soldiers, began to get hungry, but 
at this small station there was nothing to eat. All got out 
and walked about to take exercise, thinking every moment 
we would make another start, but the hours dragged on and 
we were still side-tracked at midnight. 



426 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

About one o'clock in the morning a train was heard coming 
from the direction of Richmond. It soon whistled and 
slowed up at the station. It was a long passenger train and 
we soon learned that President Davis, his Cabinet, and the 
other civil officers of the Confederate Government were on 
board, and that General Lee, having evacuated Petersburg 
and Richmond, was now retreating. Colonel Martin went 
into the car containing the Cabinet and found Mr. Benjamin, 
Secretary of State. He said General John C. Breckinridge, 
who was now Secretary of War, was in North Carolina with 
General Joseph E. Johnston. He told Martin that we could 
report at Danville. Everything was now in confusion and 
it was an hour of consternation. Still, no one seemed to 
lose courage or hope. 

After the Government train had passed, ours was made 
ready, and left at 2.30 for Burkesville. It arrived there 
before day but was detained for some time. Finally a train 
came in from Petersburg, made up of freight cars chiefly, 
and loaded with soldiers. Martin learned that it would go on 
to Lynchburg and we got aboard. At Farmville it was de- 
tained for two hours, where we managed with greenbacks 
to get a good dinner, which was the first food we had tasted 
for twenty-four hours. We arrived at Lynchburg before 
night and found we could go no farther. 

A large force of Federals, under Generals Hunter and 
Averill, had raided the country west of Lynchburg, destroy- 
ing the bridges and trestles as far as Salem. Lynchburg 
itself had been threatened. The city, however, had been 
fortified and a formidable garrison had afforded protection. 

General L. L. Lomax was the commander at Lynchburg. 
We went to his headquarters and explained our presence in 
the city, and as we must be detained, volunteered to serve 
wherever he might order, until we could get to our horses. 
He assigned Colonel Martin to the command of a regiment 
on the line of the entrenchments on the north side. I was 
placed in command of a company of thirty-two men that was 
encamped on picket duty a mile beyond the entrenched line. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 427 

This was on Tuesday, the fourth day of April. But Httle 
of interest occurred for several days, though there was of 
course general excitement evei*y day as news was received of 
the fighting and continued retreat of Lee's army. After 
it had passed Burkesville Junction we knew it was coming 
to Lynchburg. And when it reached Farmville we could 
hear the artillery. There Lee veered to the right. On Sun- 
day morning the artillery opened up early, in the northeast, 
but continued only a few hours. We then expected Lee 
and his army to reach Lynchburg before night. 

About two o'clock in the afternoon I received an order 
to report at the headquarters of General Lomax. I left my 
company in charge of the orderly-sergeant and hastened to 
town. At headquarters I was released from duty and told 
that General Lee had surrendered his army at Appomattox 
C. H., eighteen miles distant from Lynchburg. General 
Lomax told me that Colonel Martin was at the hotel wait- 
ing for me. I found Martin and we determined to reach 
our horses in some way. We went down to the railroad 
depot to look around. We saw four officers with two negro 
men putting a hand-car on the track at some distance from 
the station. This gave us an idea, and we reached them 
before they started, but they had no room for us. We at 
once searched the yards and found another hand-car. I 
guarded it while Martin went and hired two negro men to 
pull it for us to Liberty. We put it on the track and started 
without consulting the owners. It was four o'clock as we 
left Lynchburg. About twelve miles from town, on a level 
farm, we found a little bridge across a creek was destroyed. 
I went to the nearest house and hired a yoke of oxen and 
driver to come and pull our hand-car across the ford and 
up to the track again. He had done this for the car ahead 
of us. About six miles farther we came to a considerable 
creek with steep banks and a high trestle. This had been 
burned out, but the iron rails were swinging in the air 
across the creek, most of the ties still clinging to the rails. 
Going back about twenty steps we all pushed in a trot to the 



428 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

brink and let the car go. It went down hill and then up just 
far enough to reach the level on the other side and was safe. 

At Liberty we got supper, then pressed in four negro men 
to go with us up the Blue Ridge Mountain. We reached 
Tip Top, a hotel on the mountain, at midnight. Here we 
succeeded in buying a quart of whisky for the darkies, and 
paid them besides in greenbacks. They had pulled us twenty 
miles. 

It was a little down grade across the mountain and we 
managed the car alone, arriving at the brink on the other 
side about daylight. The place where we left our horses had 
been pillaged by the Federals during our absence, but luckily 
a number of Morgan's men who had been paroled from 
Northern prisons, but not yet exchanged, were here. Cap- 
tain Chapman and a comrade from Uniontown, Kentucky, 
were of the number. They took our horses and baggage 
up on the Blue Ridge Mountain and saved them. It was a 
day or two before we got them back and departed for North 
Carolina. Beyond the Blue Ridge, among its terminal 
ranges, there were bands of deserters, mostly conscripts 
from that section, who were dangerous, and we found it 
necessary to travel at night until we had crossed the Dan 
River. We proceeded in the direction of Saulsbury and 
arrived there in safety. As we entered the town in the after- 
noon we observed two g^entlemen coming along the pave- 
ment slowly. Colonel Martin soon recognized them as Jef- 
ferson Davis and Judah P. Benjamin. We halted near the 
pavement and Martin spoke. They stopped, and when Mar- 
tin introduced himself Mr. Benjamin remembered him and 
introduced him to the President. I was then introduced. 
Both shook hands with us. Martin apologized for halting 
them, but briefly told them that we had just arrived from 
Canada. Benjamin asked one or two questions. Mr. Davis 
inquired if Colonel Thompson was well. They told us that 
General John C. Breckinridge was out at the headquarters of 
General Joseph E. Johnston but they were expecting him 
back. They then moved on. I had never seen either Mr. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 429 

Davis or Mr. Benjamin before and naturally observed them 
closely. Mr. Davis met my expectations. His bearing was 
dignified but graceful. There was something majestic in his 
presence, a sort of benign and lofty simplicity that wa? at 
once inspiring and captivating. Even his voice was interest- 
ing. He wore a Prince Albert coat (with a black velvet 
collar), trousers and vest of Confederate gray cassimere. 
His hat was a full-shape soft fur of pale brown color. He 
was full six feet tall but of slender form, and weighed per- 
haps less than 150 pounds. Mr. Benjamin was in every way 
different in appearance. Of stout, stocky build, about five 
feet ten inches in height, and a strong, bright face in which 
there was varied expression and busy eyes. He glanced 
about and talked in a pleasant, business-like manner. His 
hair and eyes were black and he wore black clothes, including 
his soft tall hat. 

We stayed in Saulsbury until the next morning, when we 
went on to Charlotte, it being understood now that John- 
ston's army was to be surrendered, and perhaps all of the 
armies of the South would be included upon general terms 
of peace. We learned that General Breckinridge was assist- 
ing General Johnston in negotiating with General Sherman 
for this result. 

There was a lull in everything connected with the Con- 
federacy at this time and every one wondered what would 
happen next. The town was crowded with stragglers that 
did not know what to do or where to go. 

In a few days President Davis and his Cabinet arrived. 
Here he received a despatch from Breckinridge announcing 
the sensation of the war, that came like a thunderbolt. 
President Abraham Lincoln had been killed in Washington 
City by John Wilkes Booth, a Northern sympathizer with 
the South. This news kept all busy for the time being and 
served to intensify a brief season of suspense. 

A few days later President Davis received a message from 
General Breckinridge which announced the surrender of all 
the armies by an agreement for peace with General Sherman, 



430 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

It was news that caused us all to breathe a sigh of relief. 
We realized that our country was no more. 
The agreement was as follows : 

Memorandum, or basis of agreement, made this i8th day of 
April, A. D. 1865, near Durham Station, and in the State of 
North Carolina, by and between General Joseph E. Johnston, 
commanding the Confederate army, and Major-General W. T. 
Sherman, commanding the army of the United States in North 
Carolina, both present : 

1. The contending armies now in the field to maintain their 
status quo, until notice is given by the commanding General 
of either one to its opponents, and reasonable time, say forty- 
eight hours, allowed. 

2. The Confederate armies now in existence to be disbanded 
and conducted to the several State capitals, there to deposit their 
arms and public property in the State Arsenal, and each officer 
and man to execute and file an agreement to cease from acts of 
war, and abide the action of both Federal and State authorities. 
The number of arms and munitions of war to be reported to 
the chief of ordnance at Washington City, subject to future 
action of the Congress of the United States, and in the mean 
time to be used solely to maintain peace and order within the 
borders of the States respectively. 

3. The recognition by the Executive of the United States of 
the several State governments, on their officers and legislatures 
taking the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United 
States ; and, where conflicting State governments have resulted 
from the war, the legitimacy of all shall be submitted to the 
Supreme Court of the United States. 

4. The reestablishment of all Federal Courts in the several 
States, with powers as defined by the Constitution and laws of 
Congress. 

5. The people and inhabitants of all States to be guaranteed, 
so far as the Executive can, their political rights and franchises, 
as well as their rights of person and property, as defined by 
the Constitution of the United States and of the States 
respectively. 

6. The Executive authority of the Government of the United 
States not to disturb any of the people by reason of the late 
war, so long as they live in peace and quiet, abstain from acts 
of armed hostility, and obey laws in existence at any place of 
their residence. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 431 

7. In general terms, war to cease, a general amnesty, so 
far as the Executive power of the United States can command, 
or on condition of the disbandment of the Confederate armies, 
the distribution of arms, and resumption of peaceful pursuits 
by officers and men, as hitherto composing said armies. Not 
being fully empowered by our respective principals to fulfil 
these terms, we individually and officially pledge ourselves to 
promptly obtain necessary authority and to carry out the above 
programme. 

W. T. Sherman, Major-General, 
J. E. Johnston, General. 



CHAPTER XLIII 

Peace cartel repudiated by President Johnson — Surrender of 
Johnston and his army — President Davis and Cabinet retire 
through South CaroHna^Five cavalry brigades guard the 
retreat — Last council of war — Proposal of General Breckin- 
ridge for conduct of President Davis to Mexico — General 
Duke's account of the last conference of President Davis 
with the generals of cavalry — Departure of President Davis 
from Washington, Georgia. 

Colonel Martin and I concluded to go farther south now, 
and rest. There were too rnany people in Charlotte. At 
Chester, South Carolina, we arranged for board where we 
could groom our horses for the journey to Kentucky. 

But our tranquil sojourn here was soon to end. We had 
been in Chester but a few days when others arrived with the 
news that Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, 
had repudiated and annulled the agreement made between 
Sherman and Johnston, and that Johnston had surrendered 
his own army to Sherman upon the same terms that General 
Lee received when he surrendered to Grant. 

Those who had lingered at Charlotte now began to pass 
through Chester, and presently Mr. Davis and his Cabinet 
arrived with five remnants of cavalry brigades, commanded 
by General Duke and Colonel Breckinridge from Kentucky, 
Generals Dibrell and Vaughan from Tennessee, and Fer- 
guson from Mississippi. These were the troops composing 
the escort of the Confederate Government from Charlotte 
to the end. General Duke had made his way from Chris- 
tiansburg, Virginia, after the surrender of Lee, and arrived 
at Charlotte safely a few days before. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 433 

We fell into the ranks of General Duke's column among 
our old friends, and followed in the cortege to the burial of 
all that remained of the martial and civic glory of the South. 

The movement was slow from place to place, though we 
were passing through a lovely section of South Carolina, 
still preserved from the ravages of war, and typical of the 
luxury of Southern life in the old homesteads, some of which 
had survived here through all the years since the Colonial 
period, a century before. But all were now a little impatient 
and curious to realize whatever remained of the last cere- 
monies, when the clods should beat the last tattoo upon the 
coffin lid of the Southern Confederacy. 

After passing through Unionville and Laurens C. H., 
a halt was made at Abbeville C. H. Here President Davis 
and the members of his Cabinet were the guests of Hon. 
Armistead Burt, who had served in the Congress of the 
United States before the war. 

Early in the afternoon Colonel Martin walked up to the 
house for a brief conference with General John C. Breckin- 
ridge, now Secretary of War, whom he knew well, and to 
learn something of our probable destination. When Breck- 
inridge was told of our recent journey from Canada and 
learned that we were splendidly mounted he confided to 
Martin that he expected Mr. Davis to escape through the 
country to the West, perhaps to Mexico, and insisted that we 
should go as his guard and companions. We were both at 
first disposed to go, simply for the feature of romance that 
would attach to the journey and to have the prestige of 
guiding our chieftain safely to his place of exile. 

But the more we discussed the trip the weaker our inclina- 
tion grew. It occurred to us upon calm reflection that ours 
had been a long and perilous career and that on such a 
journey it might be necessary to risk our lives again to 
protect Mr. Davis. It did not appear that we had ever had 
anything at stake in the war except our love of the South 
and the gratification of a spirit of adventure. And now 
that our cause was lost we ought not to assume a perilous 



434 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

service when so many others who were at least our equals 
were going directly home to Texas, and we believed could 
and would conduct Mr. Davis safely to Mexico. However, 
we concluded to do a reasonable part, if our suggestions 
were agreeable. 

It was our idea to have Mr. Davis take one companion of 
his own selection and we would escort him as far. as Talla- 
dega, Alabama. We would set out from Abbeville with him 
that night and cross the Savannah River about sunrise, at 
the ferry on the route to Athens, Georgia, traveling at night 
when we thought it advisable, and reach the hilly country 
or the terminal ranges of the Cumberland Mountains west of 
Atlanta within three days and nights. 

Meanwhile, the troops here should proceed across into 
Georgia, and to Washington or Augusta, so as to attract 
all pursuing columns in that direction and surrender at the 
first opportunity. We would select two Texans from Duke's 
brigade, of whom Captain Helm would be one, to follow on 
with the brigade and be paroled at the first opportunity, 
proceeding then openly by the most direct route to Talladega 
County, Alabama, to await our arrival. 

It was reasonable to believe that all Federal columns 
would hurry southward to apprehend the fleeing officials of 
the Government, and we would cross Georgia north of them 
and go between Atlanta and Marietta. 

We walked up to Mr. Burt's house about 5 o'clock and 
called for General Breckinridge. He came out and we 
talked outside under a tree. Our plans and suggestions 
were promptly approved and General Breckinridge said he 
intended to urge them upon Mr. Davis, who was still reluc- 
tant to give up. He requested that Colonel Martin should 
call again at 10 or 11 o'clock that night. Martin now took 
Captain Helm into his confidence. Helm had been a friend 
of General Adam R. Johnson in Texas before the war and 
was with us on the expedition to western Kentucky in 1863. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 435 

He cheerfully agreed to pick a safe companion and make 
the journey with Mr. Davis from Alabama. 

At 9 o'clock that night every one was more at sea 
than ever, until well-authenticated rumors began to spread 
that a council of war had been held at which it had been 
determined that the troops would be surrendered and the 
President and Cabinet would disperse. Colonel Martin went 
to see General Breckinridge at lo o'clock and the rumor was 
confirmed, except that they would leave soon and all would 
continue the retreat to Washington, Georgia. There had 
been no opportunity for General Breckinridge to confer with 
the President upon the plan for his escape, as his heart had 
been set upon a further desperate effort to continue the strug- 
gle, to which General Breckinridge was opposed. 

At midnight the entire party took its departure from Mr. 
Burt's house and proceeded on the road to Savannah River, 
a southwesterly, course. 

The occurrences of this incident will be best told by mak- 
ing an extract from the "History of Morgan's Cavalry," 
by General Basil W. Duke, who was present at the last 
council of war, and describes the scene : 

At Abbeville, where we were received with the kindest 
hospitality, was held the last Confederate council of war. Mr. 
Davis desired to know, from his brigade commanders, the true 
spirit of the men. He presided himself. Besides Generals 
Breckinridge and Bragg, none others were present than the five 
brigade commanders. Mr. Davis was apparently untouched 
by any of the demoralization which prevailed — he was affable, 
dignified, and looked the very personification of high and 
undaunted courage. Each officer gave in turn the condition 
and feeling of his men, and, when urged to do so, declared his 
own views of the situation. In substance, all said the same. 
They and their followers despaired of successfully conducting 
the war, and doubted the propriety of prolonging it. The honor 
of the soldiery was involved in securing Mr. Davis's safe 
escape, and their pride induced them to put off submission to the 
last moment. They would risk battle in the accomplishment of 



436 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

these objects — but would not ask their men to struggle against a 
fate which was inevitable, and forfeit all hope of a restoration 
to their homes and friends. Mr. Davis declared that he wished 
to hear no plan which had for its object only his safety — that 
twenty-five hundred brave men were enough to prolong the 
war, until the panic had passed away, and they would then be 
a nucleus for thousands more. He urged us to accept his 
views. We were silent, for we could not agree with him, and 
respected him too much to reply. He then said, bitterly, that 
he saw all hope was gone — that all the friends of the South 
were prepared to consent to her degradation. When he arose 
to leave the room he had lost his erect bearing, his face was 
pale, and he faltered so much in his step that he was compelled 
to lean upon General Breckinridge. It was a sad sight to men 
who felt toward him as we did. I will venture to say that 
nothing he has subsequently endured equaled the bitterness of 
that moment. 

Martin and I rode on the next day, and crossing the 
Savannah River proceeded to Washington, Georgia. Presi- 
dent Davis had stopped in the town on account of rumors 
that a force of Federals was approaching. Here he was the 
guest of Dr. Robertson. 

General Breckinridge had not yet arrived and the column 
of cavalry was near at hand. But Colonel Martin learned 
that Mr. Davis would leave all behind here at Washington, 
except an escort from General Duke's brigade under com- 
mand of Captain Given Campbell. Among the number were 
Lieutenants Lee Hathaway and Winder Monroe. There 
were twenty men in the escort, and General Duke says : "I 
knew nearly all of these twenty personally. They were 
picked men." 

The citizens of Washington and the surrounding country 
kept open house practically, and bestowed every necessary 
favor of hospitality upon the destitute soldiers. 

It was here that President Davis and the last of his Cabi- 
net were to separate, and here the worn and tattered veterans, 
who could go no farther and were to fight no more, gathered 
in the public square among the citizens to await their own 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 437 

last hours in the service of the Southern Confederacy. The 
population of the town and vicinity was sadly affected by 
the strange scenes when it was realized that all of sacrifice 
and of sorrow had been in vain. 

On the 7th day of May, 1865, it was our privilege to 
observe the undaunted Chieftain of his unfortunate country, 
accompanied by his private secretaries and a cavalry escort, 
as he departed from Washington, Georgia. It was a moment 
when many a veteran sighed and gazed prayerfully upon 
the little cavalcade until it passed from view. But the 
tender-hearted sons and daughters of Georgia, the young and 
the old, stood about in groups and spoke in whispers and 
some wiped away tears. There was for a moment the still- 
ness of a benediction and there was a look of despair on 
every face as if suddenly had been severed the cord that 
bound them to the distant past of happiness and hope. But 
never a murmur of lost respect or of blame for the van- 
quished President fell from the lips of the citizen or soldier. 
Even the mothers of buried boys and the widows whose 
husbands were among the slain — all in far-away unknown 
graves — did not chide or weep alone for their own. This 
disconsolate hour was bitter in sorrow, in desolation and in 
terror, and the spirits of all were transfixed upon the cause 
of the common woe. There was no contemplation now 
save over the past, present, and future wreck and ruin of 
homes and people. 



CHAPTER XLIV 

President Davis made prisoner — Parole of Confederates at 
Washington, Georgia — President Johnson's Amnesty Proc- 
lamation — Martin and Headley in excepted class — Arrest 
of Headley, his escape, and subsequent pardon by the 
President — Troubles in Middle Tennessee — Arrest of Martin 
— He is put in irons and in prison at Fort Lafayette. 

The cavalry brigades which had been left at Abbeville, 
South Carolina, followed on, and faithful efforts, under the 
direction of General John C. Breckinridge, were made to 
the bitter end for the safe escape of President Davis. 

The next day after the departure of Mr. Davis from 
Washington, it was learned that the Federals had occupied 
Augusta and would send officials to Washington to parole 
the troops of all commands. We now enjoyed a period of 
rest as the gnests of two brothers, John and Henry Wynn, 
eight miles from Washington. The paroling officer from 
Augusta had arrived at Washington within a few days after 
our location in the Wynn neighborhood. 

The home of Lieutenant Woodson, of Colonel Martin's 
staff on Morgan's last raid, was at Independence, Missouri. 
His father, Hon. Silas Woodson, was a member of the United 
States Congress from Missouri at the beginning of the war. 
Young Woodson had journeyed from the borders of Kansas 
to enlist in John H. Morgan's famous command, and had not 
heard from home for more than three years. He and Colonel 
Martin went into town and Woodson was paroled. Martin 
was with him and obtained a half dozen blanks, signed by 
the paroling officer, which he brought out with him, and 
after seeing Woodson's parole I filled out the blanks for all 
our party. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 439 

We now heard of the capture of President Davis. 

Colonel Martin sold his Fosses horse to Mr. Henry Wynn 
for $100 in gold. Woodson and Andrews sold their horses 
also, and the party of three, taking the cars at Washington, 
went by railroad to Talladega County, Alabama. The rest 
of us concluded to ride through the country and agreed to 
meet them in Alabama. We did not encounter any of the 
enemy on our journey and there was none in Atlanta, and it 
was said that none was nearer now than Chattanooga, on the 
north, and Macon, on the south. 

In Atlanta we saw the Amnesty Proclamation of President 
Johnson and noted the exceptions, to-wit : 



Eleventh, all persons who have been engaged in the destruc- 
tion of the commerce of the United States upon the high seas, 
and all persons zuho have made raids into the United States 
from Canada, or been engaged in destroying the commerce of 
the United States upon the lakes and rivers that separate the 
British Provinces from the United States ; 

Provided, that special application may be made to the Presi- 
dent for pardon by any person belonging to the excepted classes ; 
and such clemency will be liberally extended as may be con- 
sistent with the facts of the case and the peace and dignity 
of the United States. 



We found Martin, Woodson, and Andrews at Dr. Wm. 
Welch's home, "Magnolia Hill," near Alpine, Alabama. 
Even at this gloomy period this neighborhood, having 
escaped the ravages of the war, was happy to extend its 
unbounded hospitality to its own and all other returning 
soldiers. 

In view of the embarrassment which surrounded the situa- 
tion of Martin and myself, we agreed that he would proceed 
by New Orleans and thence by sea to Toronto, Canada, while 
I would go through to Kentucky and get a better under- 
standing of the environments in our case as raiders from 
Canada. 



440 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

At Shelbyville, Tennessee, I met with a cordial reception 
at the home of Dr. Blakemore. The proprietor of a Hvery 
stable where I put my horse was attracted by the appearance 
of the animal. After I had told the history of the horse he 
finally offered me $130 in gold for him, which I accepted. 

I proceeded by railroad to Nashville. Here I spent a 
couple of days fitting myself up anew. 

In the afternoon I left Nashville on a steamer and got off 
at Clarksville. The next morning I started by stage-coach 
for Hopkinsville. Captain William Elliott and his sister 
were also passengers in the coach for a part of the journey. 
From Hopkinsville I proceeded by stage to Madisonville and 
here I was practically at home. I found that a bitter feeling 
between neighbors still existed, but many Union men of my 
old acquaintance gave me a hearty welcome. 

The happiness of a soldier's return was mine at last and 
the longings of those who loved me best were over. I had 
enjoyed the scenes and companionship of the surrounding 
haunts of my boyhood for some weeks, when Robert House, 
a youth of eighteen, arrived at Nebo with a message from 
Henderson for me. Gen. Adam R. Johnson was now at 
Henderson, his old home, and a friend from Louisville had 
advised him that orders had been received there to arrest 
Martin and me and bring us to New York. General Johnson 
had sent me the message by young House. 

Mr. Charles S. Green, at Nebo, now invited me to go with 
him to his brother's house in Henderson County, which I 
did. I found a home there with Mr. Bernard P. Green. I 
remained a month. While at this home, near Corydon, I 
wrote an application to the President of the United States 
for a pardon. I frankly stated in the application that I had 
been one of the raiders from Canada and had endeavored to 
serve the cause of the South in every capacity. But that 
none of the expeditions from Canada had been a success. 

I wrote a letter to my old friend John Barbee, at Louisville, 
and enclosed the application to the President. I suggested 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 441 

to Mr. Barbee that perhaps his influence would secure the 
intercession of George D. Prentice. In due time Mr. Barbee 
responded from his home at Pewee Valley, that he found 
Mr. Prentice willing to aid me, and that Prentice had mailed 
my application with his own personal letter to William H. 
Seward, Secretary of State. 

I returned home in August, but visited around in the 
neighborhood so as to avoid arrest until I could hear from 
Washington City on the subject of a pardon. 

One morning I went up to Nebo and in a little while rode 
down to Providence. I then went on home. I found quite 
a crowd of neighbors here in the orchard, who were engaged 
with a steam thrasher in thrashing my father's crop of wheat. 
Of this crowd some were Union men and some were South- 
ern sympathizers, but all were my friends. The weather was 
hot and I strolled out to the orchard in my shirt-sleeves. 
I had hardly finished a greeting to all, and some of them I 
had not seen since the war began, when Phil, my darky 
friend, told me that the Yankees were up at Mr. Sandy 
Johnson's. I got a glimpse of them, the distance being only 
three hundred yards, and started at full speed around the 
dwelling to a cornfield of some thirty acres bounded on the 
outside by woods. I soon reached the woods, having followed 
a cross-fence on the grass so as to leave no tracks. I climbed 
a medium-sized sugar tree, with dense foliage. From a 
position near its top I had a view of our house, the orchard, 
and Mr. Johnson's house. I saw the Federals ride along the 
public road in front of the house and pass out of sight on the 
road to Burnett's bridge. I then went around to the left to 
Johnson's house and made inquiries. The Federals had 
asked for water and the distance to some place across Clear 
Creek. I then walked along the lane to my father's place, 
climbing over his fence. I had not gone more than fifty 
yards inside before I was Jialted. There were four of the 
Federals. They had made a circuit in the woods and returned 
to a point from which they could see me if I came in sight. 



442 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

They dismounted, and approaching me said I was a prisoner. 
I agreed to it cheerfully. I knew them all — Harrison Gill, 
George Peyton, William Peyton, and Daniel Matthews. 
They shook hands and seemed glad to see me. I invited them 
cordially to walk on to the orchard with me, saying I would 
be ready to go with them in a few minutes. They were 
kindly greeted by all present and it was getting to be a 
pleasant occasion. At this time I observed my uncle, Captain 
Headley, coming to the dwelling from the barnyard. He 
had survived the war and Hved four miles from our home. 
He came on through the yard to the orchard. The soldiers 
greeted him kindly, but I could see that he did not enjoy the 
situation. William Peyton was the pilot of the Federal com- 
pany that captured my uncle at Dixon, in 1863, and wanted 
to shoot him after he became a prisoner. Still, Peyton was 
a jovial sort of man and felt generous now since it appeared 
that he was to march me away a captive to Madisonville. 
He told me that I was arrested on orders from Bowling 
Green. These Federal soldiers all lived near Rose Creek, 
only two miles from Nebo, and I had known them well before 
the war. 

I then, in a familiar way, called Harrison Gill to come 
with me as a guard to the house to get my clothes, and we 
would start. He assented and the others remained with the 
crowd. I explained to my distressed mother, in Gill's pres- 
ence, that I thought I would only have to go to Madisonville 
and would return within a day or two. She set to work 
packing my garments, etc., in a pair of saddle-bags in her 
bed-room. 

The house had two rooms in front with a large hall be- 
tween. A stairway ran up in the hall and my room was 
up-stairs. One of the lower rooms was my mother's. I 
told Gill to stand in the hall while I went up for my baggage. 
When I reached my room and got my pistol my first impulse 
was to go down and get the drop on Gill and disarm him. 
But I thought it would end in a general fight, which I pre- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 443 

ferred to avoid in the presence of my mother and the chil- 
dren, if I could escape otherwise. I concluded to hide m;^ 
pistol and try another plan. I went down in a jolly mood, 
passed Gill in the hall, and stepped into my mother's room, 
giving her some collars, etc., to put in my baggage. Gill 
was standing at the hall door and I asked him what kind of 
smoking-tobacco he had. I didn't fancy his chewing twist 
and went to the mantel and began to fill my pipe. I was so 
friendly with Gill that he began to look as if he was sorry to 
take me. He began to walk slowly back and forth from 
the front to the rear door of the hall. Mrs. Gore, a neighbor, 
was sitting in the dining-room, in the ell part of the house, 
and I called to her to please have a coal of fire sent me from 
the kitchen to light my pipe. 

While I was waiting I observed that the sash was hoisted 
in a window near the fireplace and a solid curtain hung down 
over it full length. Just as Gill passed the hall door going 
to the rear I stepped to the window, lifted the curtain, put 
one foot out and went through, letting the curtain drop 
behind me. I sprang over the yard fence into the barnyard, 
and screened by a rail fence for some eighty yards it was 
only a minute or two until I was in the cornfield. I heard 
no noise behind and stopped behind the fence to look back. 
I heard Gill shouting to his comrades on the other side of the 
house. I now followed the cross-fence on the grass as I had 
done in the forenoon. I climbed the same sugar tree and 
had a plain view of the scene in the orchard. I observed the 
soldiers going in and around the house, but it appeared they 
had not discovered my trail. I got down and proceeded 
through the woods across Wier's Creek flats toward Provi- 
dence and safely reached the house of my friend Daniel 
Head, Jr. 

I decided to go to Tennessee. I traveled the old trail at 
night to the home of Mr. Ellis Suttle near Murfreesboro, 
Before my departure. Miss Mary Overall arrived, en route 
to Triune, her home, from a visit to relatives on the other 



444 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

side of Murfreesboro. She related to me many stories of 
the conduct of the Federals about Triune and in this section. 
One of General Joel A. Battle's daughters, Miss Fannie, on 
account of aid and hospitality to Confederates, had been 
arrested and after an imprisonment at Nashville had been 
forwarded under guard by way of Washington City to 
Grant's army in Virginia and then banished through the lines 
of the Confederates to Richmond. 

Mrs. Cherry, the widow near whose home I had camped 
when General Morgan sent me to the vicinity of Nashville in 
the spring of 1864, had also been in trouble the past winter. 
Her son. Buck Cherry, who was a Confederate and had 
operated with Dee Jobe, Frank Battle, and others against 
the Federals, was at home one winter night when the Federal 
cavalry surrounded the house at midnight. By a rush he 
escaped. The Federals then set fire to the house and burned 
it to the ground with all else of any value. Mrs. Cherry was 
put on a horse and carried off, reaching Franklin the next 
morning, where she was put in prison. She was afterwards 
sent to Nashville and imprisoned in a room at the peniten- 
tiary. It was a bitter cold night but the buildings made a 
good fire for Mrs. Cherry's five children, who huddled 
around it until some of the neighbors ventured to the scene 
and made provision for their comfort. 

Some weeks afterward the trouble began to spread in that 
locality. It happened that Mr. Trammell, a Confederate 
soldier going south, found himself among the enemy's cav- 
alry near VVartrace and was killed. General Milroy, in read- 
ing the letters he carried, came upon one from Miss Overall 
signed "Aiollie." Mrs. Dollie Battle, the young widow of 
General Battle's son who had been killed at Shiloh, and Miss 
Sallie Battle immediately rode on horseback to Wartrace, 
a distance of forty-five miles, to endeavor to recover the body 
of Trammell and have him decently buried. General Milroy 
at once accused them of writing the letter signed "Mollie," 
and of sending the horse, Selam, to Van Houton. They 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 445 

were promptly arrested and imprisoned in a room of the 
residence. Day after day they were brought out to Milroy's 
headquarters and confronted with the accusation, but they 
persistently denied the charge, and persistently refused to tell 
that Miss Overall was the authoress, Mrs. Battle was a 
native of Chillicothe, Ohio, and three of her brothers were 
in the Federal Army. But she had become intensely South- 
ern and had refused to meet a brother while in prison at 
Nashville. 

It happened that Lieutenant Sheets, of Chillicothe, was 
stationed at Murfreesboro. He had been a friend of Mrs. 
Battle before her marriage, just prior to the war. The im- 
prisonment of the ladies became notorious, and Lieutenant 
Sheets heard if it. Through his superior officers he managed 
to have the prisoners sent to Nashville. Miss Overall had 
heard of the trouble and wrote General Rousseau, at Nash- 
ville, the facts. Rousseau thought the matter should be 
dropped, but forwarded the papers to General Thomas at 
Chattanooga. General Thomas ordered the arrest of Miss 
Overall. A detachment of cavalry was then sent to Triune 
to bring her to Nashville. She was accompanied by her 
sister, Sophia, who proposed to share the prison fate of her 
sister. 

Captain Goodwin, the provost-marshal, who had not been 
courteous before, now told them that Miss Overall would 
occupy the room with the Battle girls. This was satisfactory 
and she was sent in an ambulance under guard to the peni- 
tentiary. It turned out, however, that Captain Goodwin 
sent along a note to Colonel Barrett, who commanded at the 
penitentiary, instructing him to put Miss Overall in the room 
with Mrs. Cherry and not allow her to see the Battles. 

The next day Mrs. Cherry was taken to headquarters 
for trial and was set at liberty. This left Miss Overall alone, 
but Colonel Barrett told her then that he would stretch his 
orders from Captain Goodwin and allow her to come out in 
the hall upon her promise not to speak to the Battle girls. 



446 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

After Miss Overall had been confined here for about two 
weeks, her uncle, Mr. Ned Jordan, a banker of Murfreesboro 
and a Union man, came to Nashville and secured her release. 

Adjutant-General J. G. Parkhurst of Detroit, Michigan, 
went out to the prison in a carriage to bring Miss Overall 
to headquarters, but she declined his kindness and rode alone 
in the ambulance under guard of the soldiers. She was 
required to take the oath of allegiance, however, to which 
she had no serious objection now. It was the ist of May, 
1865, and the war was over. Mrs. Battle and Miss Battle 
were kept in prison for two weeks afterward, when they 
were released without any trial. 

There were many similar proceedings all over the South. 
Still, these faithful people loved their own country and its 
defenders. They could not help or suppress the sentiment 
for either and suffered in consequence according to the 
nature of the Federal commander. 

General Rousseau did not favor the policy of persecution, 
and except for his lenient disposition the citizens of Nash- 
ville and the surrounding country would, at that period, have 
been subjected to a much harsher fate. \ 

The conduct of General E. A. Paine, at Gallatin, had been 
merciless toward both sexes, old and young. Before the 
war ended he was arraigned for trial by a military court and 
found guilty, but was rescued by a pardon from President 
Lincoln. 

But the most aggravating conduct of the Federals, toward 
the miserable people of this and all other sections of the 
South, was the employment of the slaves as soldiers and 
sending them around, under Northern officers, in their old 
neighborhoods to taunt, pillage, and burn out the families 
that had raised them. These licensed detachments would 
take possession of a house and drive the family out with 
pompous airs and then smash and pillage till satisfied, when 
the torch would be applied and everything reduced to ashes. 
The jolly soldiers would then march away singing "John 
Brown's body lies moldering," etc., and other favorite songs. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 447 

The darkies were organized in large numbers at Nashville, 
and after the retreat of Hood in December were sent all over 
the Murfreesboro country to take and destroy the remnants 
that might still be left among the people. Several of these 
crowds had been caught that had committed depredations 
and were loaded with plunder. 

The Federal authorities report an instance, but it will be 
observed that they carefully omit the business in which the 
detachments were engaged. Lieutenant Fitch, an acting 
assisfmit quartermaster^ with some colored infantry, had 
business out in the country, fourteen miles southeast of 
Murfreesboro, when a party of Forrest's men caught him, 
two other white officers, and thirteen colored men. They 
seemed to have been detailed to go with him, as he appears to 
be in doubt as to the command to which they belonged. It 
also appears that some of the same class in another crowd 
were caught, who belonged to General Steadman's command, 
at Murfreesboro. It will be remembered that General Stead- 
man commenced burning farm-houses, barns, etc., in this 
country in 1863. But I will let Lieutenant Fitch tell his 
story : 

Nashville, Tenn., January 3, 1865. 
Maj. William Innes, 

Assistant Commissioner, Organizing U. S. Colored Troops. 

Major : The following report of my capture and subsequent 
attempted murder is respectfully submitted for your informa- 
tion: 

I was captured on the 20th of December, FOURTEEN 
MILES IN A SOUTHEASTERLY DIRECTION FROM 
MURFREESBORO, in company with two other officers, Lieut. 
D. G. Cooke, Twelfth U. S. Colored Infantry, and Capt. Charles 
G. Penfield, Forty-fourth U. S. Colored Infantry, by a company 
of scouts belonging to Forrest's command, numbering thirty- 
six men, commanded by Captain Harvey. As soon as captured 
we were robbed of everything of any value, even to clothing. 
We were kept under guard for three days with some other 
prisoners (private soldiers of General Steadman's division, 
who were captured near Murfreesboro) until we reached a 
small town called Lewisburg, some eighteen miles south of 
Duck River. There the officers were sent under a guard of four 



448 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

men to report, as I supposed, to General Forrest's headquarters. 
The guard told (me) that was their destination. They took 
us along the pike road leading from Lewisburg to Moores- 
ville, about four miles, and then left the road and turned to the 
right for the purpose, as they said, of stopping at a neighboring 
house for the night. 

After leaving the road about half a mile, as we were walking 
along through a wooded ravine, the man in advance of us 
halted, partially turned his horse, and as I came up, drew his 
revolver and fired at me without a word. The ball entered my 
right ear just above the center, passed through and lodged 
in the bone back of the ear. It knocked me senseless for a 
few moments. I soon recovered, however, but lay perfectly 
quiet, knowing that my only hope lay in leading them to 
believe they had killed me. Presently I heard two carbine 
shots, and then all was still. After about fifteen minutes I 
staggered to my feet and attempted to get away, but found 
I could not walk. About that time a colored boy came along 
and helped me to a house near by. He told me that the other 
two officers were dead, having been shot through the head. 
That evening their bodies were brought to the house where I 
lay. Next morning they were decently buried on the premises 
of Col. John C. Hill, near by. 

The shooting occurred on the 22d, and on the 23d, about 
midday, one of Forrest's men came to the house where I was 
lying and inquired for me ; said that he came to kill me. The 
man of the house said that it was entirely unnecessary, as I 
was so severely wounded that I would die anyway, and he 
expected I would not live over an hour. He then went away, 
saying that if I was not dead by morning I would be killed. 
After he left I was moved by the neighbors to another house, 
and was moved nearly every night from one house to another 
until the 27th, when I was relieved by a party of troops sent 
from Columbia and brought within the Federal lines. 

The privates were sent off on a road leading to the right of 
the one we took ; about in the direction of Columbia, I should 
judge. I cannot but think they were killed, as about that time 
our forces occupied Columbia, the rebel army having retreated. 
There were twelve privates, belonging, I think, to Cruft's 
brigade. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Geo. W. Fitch, 
First Lieutenant, Twelfth U.S. Colored Infty., and A.A.Q.M. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 449 

I went down to Nashville in October to make some pur- 
chases, and stopped at the Commercial Hotel. After taking 
a seat in the dining-room, I had just finished giving my 
order for dinner, when looking around I observed Colonel 
Martin following a waiter to another table. 

Martin had gone from New Orleans to Cuba and thence 
to Canada by sea, after leaving me at Alpine, Alabama, in 
June. He found nothing to do as an exile in Canada and had 
passed through the United States to Washington, Georgia, 
and had been sojourning at the country home of Mr. Henry 
Wynn for two weeks. He was now en route to his home in 
Kentucky. 

When I had given Martin a full understanding of the 
situation in Kentucky we agreed that we had no prospect for 
peace at home. We finally concluded, in view of the sum- 
mary hanging of people in different sections and the pros- 
pective execution of Mr. Davis and Mr. Clay, that we would 
go up in the Northwest on the border and engage in some 
employment under assumed names. 

Martin had left Gen. John C. Breckinridge at Toronto, 
teaching a class in law, and among his pupils were Captain 
Hines, Lieutenants Young and Eastin. 

It was agreed that I should go back to Mr. Suttle's for my 
horse and ride through to Kentucky, while Martin would 
proceed by Bowling Green and thence down Green River on 
a boat to Paradise, near his father's home. Martin expected 
to get some money at home, as his exchequer was about 
exhausted. We agreed to meet at the house of Dr. William 
Jenkins, near Slaughtersville in Webster County, Kentucky, 
on a stated night, and if either should be delayed the other 
would wait. 

I hurried through to my father's house, arriving after 
dark, and felt safe at least for a night. The moment our 
greeting was over my mother rushed to her bureau and 
back with a large envelope. It contained my pardon from 
President Johnson. 



450 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Two days afterward Captain Temp. Martin, ex-Union 
soldier, arrived from Muhlenburg County to tell me that his 
brother got home safely but the house was surrounded that 
night and Colonel Bob was carried off a prisoner to Louis- 
ville. He had been recognized at Bowling Green and a 
detail had followed to make his arrest. 

I, being free, was disposed to identify myself with his 
friends to assist him in his troubles. Captain Martin re- 
turned home and friends were sent to Louisville who might 
have influence with the authorities and look after the comfort 
of Colonel Martin. But it was found that Colonel Martin 
had been put in irons at Louisville; and it was also learned 
that he had been arrested on orders from New York. 

Gen. Walter C. Whittaker, an ex-Union officer of Louis- 
ville, had been engaged as one of the attorneys to defend 
Martin. 

It was now about the middle of November, 1865. 



CHAPTER XLV 

Robert M. Martin pardoned — Many sentences remitted — Parole 
of C. C. Clay, Jr. — Jefferson Davis delivered to United 
States Court at Richmond — Released on bail-bond — Ovation 
to Mr. Davis in the South — Nolle prosequi entered — Finally 
settles in Mississippi to spend his last years — Visit to birth- 
place in Kentucky — Subsequent lives of Confederate officers 
who served in Canada. 

The public sentiment of the North now became aroused 
against the further prosecutions of individuals, and Presi- 
dent Johnson proceeded gradually to discharge large num- 
bers not yet tried, and many noted prisoners who had been 
confined at hard labor in penitentiaries. Among the prison- 
ers who were in irons or close confinement and awaiting 
trial was Colonel Robert M. Martin, at Fort Lafayette. The 
President granted him an unconditional pardon, which was 
issued in the summer of 1866, after a wretched confinement 
of about seven months. 

Many orders were issued of this class, to-wit : 

War Department, Adjutant-General^'s Office, 

Washington, March 10, 1866. 
General Court-Martial Orders, No. 71. 

In the case of Robert M. Harrover, citizen, sentenced by a 
military commission "to be shot to death by musketry, at such 
time and place as the Secretary of War may direct, two-thirds 
of the commission concurring therein," which sentence was 
commuted "to confinement at hard labor in the penitentiary for 
ten years," as promulgated in General Court-Martial Orders, 
No. 314, War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, October 
3, 1864, the sentence is hereby remitted, and he will be paroled, 
as recommended by Lieutenant-General Grant, upon taking the 
oath of allegiance. 

By order of the President of the United States : 

E. D. TOWNSEND, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 



452 confederate operations 

Executive Office, 
Washington, D. C, February 26, 1866. — 12 m. 
Alexander H. Stephens, Crawfordville, Ga. : 

Your letter of the 5th instant just received. The parole 
heretofore granted you is hereby amended so as to permit you to 
visit Washington, D. C, and such other places in the United 
States as your business may render necessary, subject to the 
conditions imposed in said parole. 

Andrew Johnson, 
President of the United States. 

The trial of prominent citizens of the North who were in 
sympathy with the South may be understood from the fol- 
lowing cases, to-wit : 

Headquarters District of Indiana, 

IndianapoHs, Ind., May 31, 1865. 
General Orders, No. 37. 

The execution of General Orders, No 27, dated Headquarters 
District of Indiana, Indianapolis, May 9, 1865, having been sus- 
pended by the following telegram, dated Washington, May 16, 
1865, to-wit: 

"Washington, May 16, 1865. 
"Brevet Major-General Hovey: 

'T have commuted the sentence of death of Horsey to im- 
prisonment at hard labor for life. You will suspend the 
execution of Milligan and Bowles until Friday, June 2. 

"A. Johnson, 

"President." 

Said order Is, in accordance with said telegraphic order, so 
modified as to be : 

William A. Bowles, citizen of the State of Indiana, will be 
hanged by the neck until he be dead, on Friday, the 2d day of 
June, 1865, between the hours of 12 o'clock m. and 3 o'clock 
p. m., on the parade grounds between Camp Morton and Burn- 
side Barracks, near the city of Indianapolis, Ind. Bvt. Brig.- 
Gen. Ambrose A. Stevens, commanding Camp Morton and 
Burnside Barracks, is charged with the execution of this order, 
and will make report thereof to the commanding general. 

Lambdin P. Milligan, citizen of the State of Indiana, will be 
hanged by the neck until he be dead, on Friday, the 2d day of 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 453 

June, 1865, between the hours of 12 o'clock m. and 3 o'clock 
p. m., on the parade grounds between Camp Morton and Burn- 
side Barracks, near the city of Indianapolis, Ind. Bvt. Brig.- 
Gen. Ambrose A. Stevens, commanding Camp Morton and 
Burnside Barracks, is charged with the execution of this order, 
and will make report thereof to the commanding general. 

Stephen Horsey, citizen of the State of Indiana, will be 
confined at hard labor during the term of his natural life, and 
the penitentiary at Columbus, Ohio, is designated as the place 
of his confinement. He will be sent under guard to said 
penitentiary with a copy of this order, together with a copy of 
General Orders, No. 27, current series, from these headquarters, 
of which this order is a modification. Lieutenant-Colonel 
John H. Gardner, Seventeenth Regiment Veteran Reserve 
Corps, commanding post, Indianapolis, Ind., will cause the 
order in this case to be executed. 

By command of Bvt. Maj.-Gen. Alvin P. Hovey: 

J. W. Walker, 
Major and Assistant Adjutant-General. 

Headquarters District of Indiana, 

Indianapolis, Ind., June 2, 1865. 
General Orders, No. 38. 

The sentence of general court martial, as promulgated in 
General Orders, No. 27, dated Headquarters District of 
Indiana, Indianapolis, May 9, 1865, and the commutation there- 
of, as promulgated in General Orders, No. 37, dated Head- 
quarters District of Indiana, Indianapolis, Ind., May 31, 1865, 
having been further commuted, by telegram, of which the 
following is an extract, to-wit : 

"Washington, May 30, 1865 — 9.30 p. m. 
"Major-General Hovey: 

"The President of the United States orders that the sentence 
of death, heretofore passed against Horsey, Bowles, and 
Milligan, be commuted to imprisonment of each at hard labor 
in the penitentiary during his life. The penitentiary at 
Columbus, Ohio, is designated as the place of imprisonment. 

"E. M. Stanton, 

"Secretary of War." 

Now, therefore, in accordance with said telegram, William 
A. Bowles, Lambdin P.* Milligan, and Stephen Horsey, citizens 
of the State of Indiana, will be confined at hard labor during 



454 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

the terms of their and each of their natural Hves, at the 
penitentiary at Columbus, Ohio. The prisoners will be sent 
under guard to said penitentiary with a copy of this order, 
together with said General Orders, Nos. 27 and 37, current 
series, from these headquarters. Lieut.-Col. John H. Gardner, 
Seventeenth Regiment Veteran Reserve Corps, commanding 
post, Indianapolis, Ind., will cause this sentence to be executed. 
By command of Bvt. Maj.-Gen. Alvin P. Hovey: 

J. W. Walker, 
Major and Assistant Adjutant-General. 

(Enclosure.) 

Office Ohio Penitentiary, 

Columbus, Ohio, June 2, 1865. 
Received of Lieut.-Col. John H. Gardner, commanding post, 
Indianapolis, Ind., the following named prisoners, with copies 
of General Orders, No. 27, No. 37, and No. 38, to-wit : 

William A. Bowles, Lambdin P. Milligan, and Stephen 
Horsey (three). 

John A. Prentice, 

Warden. 

A $2.00 case in Maryland is an instance of the proceedings 
against citizens for giving "aid and comfort" to Confeder- 
ates: 

War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, 

Washington, June i, 1865. 
General Court-Martial Orders, No. 260. 

I. Before a general court martial which convened at 
Washington, D. C, May 2, 1865, pursuant to Special Orders, 
No. 196, dated War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, 
Washington, May i, 1865, and of which Maj.-Gen. J. G. 
Foster, U. S. Volunteers, is president, was arraigned and tried — 

Benjamin G. Harris, citizen. 

Charge: Violation of the 56th Article of War. 

Specification i. In this, that Benjamin G. Harris, a citizen 
of Maryland, and a member of the Congress of the United 
States, did relieve, with money, to-wit, the sum of $2.00, the 
public enemy, to-wit, Sergt. Richard Chapman and Private 
William Read, of Company K, Thirty-second Regiment Vir- 
ginia Infantry, soldiers of the Army of the so-called Con- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 455 

federate States of America, then in rebellion against and at 
war with the United States, he, the said Harris, then and there 
well knowing said Chapman and Read to be soldiers of said 
Army, and treating and offering to relieve them as such, and 
at the same time advising and inciting them to continue in said 
Army and to make war against the United States, and emphati- 
cally declaring his sympathy with the enemy and his opposition 
to the Government of the United States in its efforts to suppress 
the rebellion. This at or near Leonardtown, Saint Mary's 
County, Md., on or about April 26, 1865. 

Specification 2. In this, that Benjamin G. Harris, a citizen 
of Maryland and a member of the Congress of the United 
States, did knowingly harbor and protect the public enemy, to- 
wit, Sergt. Richard Chapman and Private William Read, of 
Company K, Thirty-second Regiment Virginia Infantry, 
soldiers of the Army of the so-called Confederate States of 
America, then in rebellion against and at war with the United 
States, by procuring them to be lodged and fed in a private 
house, and furnishing them with money therefor, he, the said 
Harris, then and there well knowing said Chapman and Read 
to be soldiers of said Army, and treating them, and offering 
and giving them money as such, and at the same time advising 
and inciting them to continue in said Army and to make war 
against the United States, and emphatically declaring his sym- 
pathy with the enemy and his opposition to the Government of 
the United States in its efforts to suppress the rebellion. This 
at or near Leonardtown, Saint Mary's County, Md., on or 
about April 26, 1865. 

To which charge and specification the accused, Benjamin G. 
Harris, citizen, pleaded not guilty. 

FINDING. 

The court, having maturely considered the evidence adduced, 
finds the accused, Benjamin G. Harris, citizen, as follows: 

Of the first specification, guilty. 

Of the second specification, guilty, except as to the words, 
'and fed in a private house.' 

Of the charge, guilty. 

SENTENCE. 

And the court does therefore sentence him, Benjamin G. 
Harris, citizen, to be forever disqualified from holding any 
ofiice or place of honor, trust, or profit under the United States, 
and to be imprisoned for three years in the penitentiary at 
Albany, N. Y., or at such other penitentiary as the Secretary 
of War may designate. 



456 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

11. The record in the foregoing case of Benjamin G. Harris, 
citizen, was transmitted to the Secretary of War, and by him 
submitted to the President of the United States. The following 
are the orders of the President in the case : 

"Executive Office, May 31, 1865. 
"In the within case of Benjamin G. Harris the findings and 
sentence of the court are hereby approved and confirmed. Ad- 
ditional evidence and affidavits, however, bearing upon this 
case and favorable to the accused having been presented to and 
considered by me since the sentence aforesaid, I deem it proper 
to direct that the sentence in the case of said Harris be 
remitted and that he be released from imprisonment. 

"Andrew Johnson.'" 

HI. In accordance with the foregoing order Benjamin G. 
Harris, citizen, will be immediately released from imprison- 
ment. 

By order of the President of the United States : 

E. D. Townsend, 
Assistant Adjutant-General. 

War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, 

Washington, April 10, 1866. 
Warden of Ohio State Penitentiary, Columbus, Ohio: 

You will please discharge from custody William A. Bowles, 
Lambdin P. Milligan, and Stephen Horsey, confined in the 
Columbus Penitentiary for life, under orders of the President, 
dated May 30, 1865, the President having remitted further 
execution of the sentence. 

By order of the President of the United States : 

E. D. Townsend, 
Assistant Adjutant-General. 

War Department^ Adjutant-General''s Office, 

Washington, D. C, April 17, 1866. 
General Court-Martial Orders, No. 104. 

Frank B. Gurley, citizen, sentenced by a military commission 
"to be hanged by the neck until he is dead, at such time and 
place as the general commanding may order, two-thirds of the 
members of the commission concurring in said sentence," 
as promulgated in General Court-Martial Orders, No. 505, 
War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, September 6, 




CHARLES C. Hemming 
1902 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 457 

1865, Upon the recommendation of Lieutenant-General Grant, 
is hereby released from confinement and will be placed upon 
his parole as a prisoner of war duly exchanged. 

E. D. TOWNSEND, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 

Meanwhile, the Confederates and persons sentenced by 
military commissions had been released from the Northern 
prisons and a large number of pardons had been granted by 
the President as shown by the following correspondence : 

Executive Mansion, 
Washington, D. C., June 5, 1866. 
Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

Sir : The President directs me to request that you will 
cause to be prepared, for his information, statements showing — 
First. The number of prisoners of war discharged since the 
15th day of April, 1865; and 

Second. The number of persons who, having been sentenced 
by military commission or court martial, have been pardoned 
since the 15th day of April, 1865. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

Wm. G. Moore, 
Assistant Adjutant-General. 

War Department, 
Washington City, June 15, 1866. 
The President of the United States. 

Mr. President : In compliance with your instructions of 
the 5th instant I have the honor to make the following state- 
ments : 

"The number of prisoners of war discharged since the 15th 
day of April, 1865," is 5,501 officers, 53,679 enlisted men, and 
1,220 citizens, and "the number of persons who, having been 
sentenced by military commission or court martial, have been 
pardoned since the 15th day of April, 1865," is 1,953. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Edwin M. Stanton, 

Secretary of War. 

C. C. Clay, Jr., was released from prison upon the follow- 
ing order, to-wit : 



458 confederate operations 

War Department^ Adjutant-General's Office, 

Washington, April 17, 1866. — 4.45 p. m. 
Maj.-Gen. N. A. Miles, Commanding, etc., Fort Monroe, Va. : 

Clement C. Clay, Jr., is hereby released from confinenient 
and permitted to return to and remain in the State of Alabama 
and to visit such other places in the United States as his 
personal business may render absolutely necessary upon the 
following conditions, viz : That he takes the oath of allegiance 
to the United States and gives his parole of honor to conduct 
himself as a loyal citizen of the same, and to report himself 
in person at any time and place to answer any charges that 
may hereafter be preferred against him by the United States. 

By order of the President of the United States : 

E. D. TOWNSEND, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 

Finally the following writ was issued and served upon the 
President and General Burton : 

May I, 1867. 
The President of the United States to Brig.-Gen. Henry S. 

Burton, and to any other person or persons having the custody 

of Jefferson Davis, greeting: 

We command you that you have the body of Jefferson Davis, 
by you imprisoned and detained, as it is said, together with the 
cause of such imprisonment and detention, by whatsoever 
name the said Jefferson Davis may be called or charged, before 
our Circuit Court of the United States for the District of 
Virginia at the next term thereof, at Richmond, in the said 
district, on the second Monday of May, 1867, at the opening 
of the court on that day, to do and receive what shall then 
and there be considered concerning the said Jefferson Davis. 

Witnesses Salmon P. Chase, our Chief Justice of our 
Supreme Court of the United States, this the first day of 
May, in the year of one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 
seven. 

(Seal.) W. H. Barry, 

Clerk of the Circuit Court of the 
United States for the District 



A true copy : 
Allowed ]\Iay i, 1867. 



of Virginia. 

W. A. Duncan, 
Deputy Marshal. 

John Underwood, 

District Judge. 




Captain Thomas H. Hiines 
1884 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 459 

The following order was issued in response: 

War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, 

Washington, May 8, 1867. 
Bvt. Brig.-Gen. H. S. Burton, U. S. Army, or Commanding 

Officer, Fort Monroe, Old Point Comfort, Va. 

Sir: The President of the United States directs that you 
surrender Jefferson Davis, now held in confinement under 
military authority at Fort Monroe, to the United States marshal 
or his deputies, upon any process which may issue from the 
Federal court in the State of Virginia. 

You will report the action taken by you under this order, 
and forward a copy of any process which may be served upon 
you to this office. 

By order of the President : 

E. D. TOWNSEND, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 

Mr. Davis was delivered into the custody of the United 
States Court at Richmond, Virginia, on the 13th day of May, 
1867, when he executed a bond for $100,000 for his appear- 
ance when wanted and was then released. His bondsmen 
were Cornelius Vanderbilt, Gerritt Smith, and Horace 
Greeley, all of New York. 

The people of Richmond at once received Mr. Davis with 
the heartiest ovation and all the kindness that it was possible 
to bestow. The gates were wide open, in his own loved 
South, to the manly sufferer now returning from his lonely 
dungeon home. 

In December, 1868, a nolle prosequi was entered in the 
case and Jefferson Davis, at 59 years of age, was again at 
personal liberty to resume his walk of life among his fellow- 
men. The proud spirit of this heroic character had not been 
broken by the days and years of torture nor by the taunts and 
gibes of merciless foes. 

It was a day of joy in which every Southern bosom 
swelled with veneration and love that knew no bounds. The 
gifted and chivalrous Chieftain survived for many years an 
honored and unpretentious example of exemplary citizen- 



460 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

ship. His last years were devoted to historic work and a 
tranquil home life at a beautiful retreat that fronted the 
Gulf of Mexico on the shore of Mississippi. 

The honorable life of Jefferson Davis at this period served 
to inspire the vanquished people of the South with a spirit 
of proud submission to a woeful fate which they were power- 
less to avert and were doomed to suffer in sack-cloth and 
ashes. 

Upon all occasions of fellowship and reunion, among the 
surviving Confederates in all parts of the South, Jefferson 
Davis and his wife and children were honored guests, and 
everywhere the wildest enthusiasm greeted their presence. 
In his last years he made a visit to his birthplace in Todd 
County, Kentucky. There were continued ovations along 
the route of his journey from Mississippi, at all the stations, 
and wherever the people could get a glimpse of his form they 
crowded forward to shake his hand and to shout a welcome 
and a "God bless you." 

Mr. Davis died at New Orleans in 1889. 

The character of the young Confederate officers and 
soldiers who operated from Canada may be estimated by 
their subsequent lives. I never met many of them after our 
separation in Canada. But I can report as to the four who 
were specially detailed by the Confederate Government, 
namely, Capt. Thomas H. Hines, Lieut. Bennett H. Young, 
Lieut.-Col. Robert M. Martin, and Lieut. John W. Headley, 
and of several others from Kentucky and some who were my 
friends in Toronto. 

Capt. Thomas H. Hines became Chief Justice of Ken- 
tucky, and represented the capital, Frankfort, in the Con- 
stitutional Convention of 1 890-1. He died in 1897, having 
ranked among the foremost lawyers of Kentucky. 

Lieut. Bennett H. Young for a number of years was 
engaged in the railroad business. He was president of the 
Monon Route, a railroad from Louisville to Chicago; was 
president of the Louisville Southern Railroad Company, and 




Colonel Beninett H. Young 
1906 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 461 

of the Kentucky and Indiana Bridge Company, which were 
constructed under his immediate management. He was a 
member from Louisville of the Constitutional Convention of 
1890- 1 ; is president of the Louisville Free Public Library, 
President of Board at the Confederate Home, and Major- 
General commanding the Confederate Veterans of Kentucky. 
Lieutenant Young has been promoted, like all the rest since 
the war, and is known far and near as Col. Bennett H. 
Young. Colonel Young is an attorney at law and enjoys 
wide fame as a popular orator. His home is at Louisville, 
Kentucky, 1906. 

Col. Robert M. Martin, after his release from prison, in 
1866, settled at Evansville, Indiana, and engaged in the 
tobacco warehouse business. In 1874 he removed to New 
York City. For fourteen years he was manager of tobacco 
inspections for David Dowes & Co., in their Brooklyn ware- 
houses. He located at Louisville, Kentucky, in 1887, en- 
gaging in the tobacco brokerage business. In the fall of 
1900, his old wound in the lung having produced frequent 
hemorrhages, his health gave way. He bade me good-by in 
October, 1900, upon his departure for New York, where he 
hoped some specialist might prolong his life, but he died on 
the 9th day of January, 1901. He was 61 years of age. 
The South did not have a better soldier in the ranks of its 
armies, and his friends never had a truer friend. In all the 
years of our companionship a harsh word never passed 
between us. Col. Robert M. Martin is buried in Greenwood 
Cemetery, New York City. 

John W. Headley lives at Louisville, Kentucky. He has 
followed a business career, living since the war, two years 
at Nebo, Hopkins County, Kentucky ; sixteen years at Evans- 
ville, Indiana, and twenty years at Louisville, Kentucky. 
During the latter period was Secretary of State of Kentucky, 
from September i, 1891, to January i, 1896. 

I never met Captain Charles H. Cole and have not heard 
of him since his release from captivity. 



462 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Bennett G. Burley, the companion of John Yates Beall, 
returned to Scotland, his native land, after the war was over. 
In 1887 Lieut, Bennett H. Young was in England and met 
Burley in London. He was at that time a member of the 
British Parliament from Glasgow, Scotland. 

Capt. John B. Castleman is a member of the firm of 
Barbee & Castleman, which has represented the Royal Insur- 
ance Company of Liverpool, for all the Southern States since 
the war. He was colonel of the Louisville Legion for many 
years, and twice Adjutant-General of Kentucky. Colonel 
Castleman commanded the Louisville Legion in the Spanish- 
American war, serving on the expedition of General Nelson 
A, Miles in Porto Rico, On his return from Porto Rico, 
Colonel Castleman was commissioned a brigadier-general by 
President McKinley. General Castleman has been president 
of the Board of Park Commissioners of Louisville since the 
creation of the board. Resides at Louisville, 1906. 

Lieutenant George B. Eastin served as judge of the Court 
of Appeals of Kentucky, from the Louisville district. Dur- 
ing a tour of Europe for his health, accompanied by his wife, 
he died in Italy. His remains were brought home and are 
buried in Cave Hill Cemetery, at Louisville. 

Lieutenant James T. Harrington was an attorney of the 
Southern Pacific Railroad, and resided at Los Angeles, Cali- 
fornia, in 1896. 

Lieutenant John T. Ashbrook resided at Cynthiana, Ken- 
tucky, 1905. He has followed a business career, principally 
insurance, and was for years adjuster for the Underwriters' 
Association for Kentucky and Tennessee. 

W. Larry McDonald resided after the war in New York 
City, where he died some years ago. 

Charles C. Hemming, the youngest of our party in 
Toronto, only 18 years old, resides at Colorado Springs, 
Colorado, He is vice-president of the El Paso National 
Bank of that city. A few years ago Hemming erected at his 




John B. Castleman 
1898 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 463 

own personal expense a Confederate monument at Jackson- 
ville, Florida, which is regarded as one of the handsomest in 
the South. 

Dr. Luke P. Blackburn located at Louisville, and was 
Governor of Kentucky from 1879 to 1883. He died a few 
years afterwards, leaving a name that is honored by Ken- 
tuckians. 

William W. Cleary, secretary of the Confederate Com- 
mission in Canada, located at Covington, Kentucky, after 
the President's proclamation of general amnesty, and 
attained a notable eminence in the practice of law. He died 
in 1897. 

Hon. Clement C. Clay, Jr., after his release from Fortress 
Monroe, where he was so long incarcerated with Mr. Davis, 
returned to his old home at Huntsville, Alabama. This 
distinguished United States Senator from Alabama at the 
beginning of the war, was endeared to the people of his native 
State and of the South, by reason of the prolonged and 
ignoble treatment which he had suffered, during the period 
when Judge-Advocate-General Joseph Holt was engaged 
with a corps of perjured and suborned witnesses for his con- 
viction and execution at the hands of a military commission. 
Mr. Clay was among the foremost public men of the South. 

Colonel Jacob Thompson, a typical Southern gentleman of 
the old school, settled at Memphis, Tennessee, after the 
war ended. Having served in the Cabinet of President 
Buchanan, and in the Congress of the United States from 
Mississippi, he now retired from public life. He was 
possessed of an ample private fortune, after losing hundreds 
of slaves and other property at Oxford, Mississippi. He 
spent his last years in comfort, and with the highest esteem 
of his fellow-citizens of Mississippi and Tennessee. Colonel 
Thompson was one of the closest personal friends of Jeffer- 
son Davis, and one of his ablest and most trusted friends 
during the war. 



CHAPTER XLVI 

The truth — The premises — Summary of conduct of the war — 
Impartial testimony and views of Federal commanders — 
Confederate success in battle — Troops engaged — Cause and 
result of the war. 

) 
The war between the North and the South was deplorable 

in all its consequences. There is no consolation in recalling 

its darker phases and yet the truth of history may be due to 

the dead, the living- and the unborn, as a lesson and an 

example in determining hereafter the price of peace and the 

pretexts for war. 

It has been my purpose to be faithful and conscientious in 
presenting the truth as it appears from experience, observa- 
tion, and from the official record of the events and the con- 
duct of the war. But in order to anticipate to some extent 
the deductions that reveal themselves in the narrative itself, 
a summary may be made as collateral evidence. 

It should not be a question of who was right or who was 
wrong. The question should be, what occurred during the 
war and what was the result ? 

The premises are that the Southern States seceded from 
the Union and formed a new government called the Con- 
federate States of America. The United States Government 
treated this action as rebellion and the war followed. It 
appears that about one-half of the Northern people w^ere in 
favor of the war to preserve the Union, including those who 
favored the war solely for the abolition of slavery, for hum- 
bling the Southern people and for the founding of a nation — 
a supreme government. The latter class were in control, 
and relying on the military power which was readily oh- 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 465 

tained upon the idea of preserving the Union, they established 
a miHtary espionage and authority over the North, and in- 
augurated a zuar of conquest against the South. This poHcy 
was announced by the proclamation of General John C. Fre- 
mont, in 1 86 1, from his headquarters at St. Louis. Mr. 
Lincoln objected to the proclamation upon the ground only 
that it would injure their prospects in Kentucky and would 
provoke retaliation. 

Every Federal commander after that time, it appears, was 
either retired or else, in greater or less degree, pursued the 
policy marked out by General Fremont, and no evidence is 
found in the official records that Mr. Lincoln ever again 
objected to any conduct of generals or armies; but on the 
contrary it appears that he either authorized or acquiesced in 
all that was ever done by either until it was apparent that 
the war was over, when he was ready and determined to 
extend such terms as would be honorable to the South. 

After three years of desolating hostilities and failure to 
overcome the South in battle and by warfare on non-com- 
batants, General Kilpatrick and Colonel Dahlgren were sent 
from Washington with orders to sack and burn Richmond, 
and to kill President Davis and his Cabinet. This occurred 
March ist, 1864, at which time the Confederate authorities 
seem in no way to have attempted to retaliate upon the 
Northern people for the policy of devastation and the im- 
poverishment of non-combatants in the captured territory 
of the Southern States. The inhabitants of Atlanta had 
been banished and the city appropriated by General Sherman 
before Captain Beall with twenty Confederate soldiers took 
possession of two steamers on Lake Erie for use in an effort 
to release the Confederate prisoners on Johnson's Island, 
for which Beall was hung, he having been captured at an- 
other period in the United States. And this was before 
twenty Confederates had frightened the inhabitants of St. 
Albans, Vermont, besides taking $200,000 from their banks. 
Atlanta was burned and General Sherman's order. No. 120, 



466 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

had been issued before the attempt was made by Confederate 
soldiers to burn New York City, for which Captain Kennedy 
was hung, he having been apprehended afterward in passing 
through the United States. The Shenandoah Valley of Vir • 
ginia had been made a barren waste before General Early 
sent Colonel McCausland to burn Chambersburg, Pennsyl- 
vania. This appears to be the extent of all the retaliation 
that was ever inflicted by Confederates upon the Northern 
people, except the burning of steamboats at St. Louis and 
Louisville by Confederates under Capt. John B. Castleman. 

The unsupported statements, which I have made as to the 
conduct of the war, would not be fair, and therefore I have 
relied upon the official records and the testimony of the 
foremost commanders of the Federal armies. 

The Federal and Confederate official reports of all the 
important engagements of the war have been published by 
the War Department and in many histories of the conflict, 
and therefore but little account of battles has been attempted 
in this work. 

A sufficient reference to the battles, the character of sol- 
diers and forces engaged is found in the summaries of the 
result by Generals Don Carlos Buell and Ulysses S. Grant, 
the commanders at Pittsburg Landing, which are submitted. 

General Don Carlos Buell says : 

A philosophical study of our civil conflict must recognize that 
influences of some sort operated fundamentally for the side 
of the Confederacy in every prominent event of the war, and 
nowhere with less effect than in the Tennessee and Kentucky 
campaign. They were involved in the fact that it required 
enormous sacrifices for 24,000,000 of people to defeat the 
political scheme of 8,000,000; 2,000,000 of soldiers to subdue 
800,000 soldiers; and, descending to details, a naval fleet and 
15,000 troops to advance against a weak fort, manned by less 
than 100 men, at Fort Henry; 35,000 with naval co-operation 
to overcome 12,000 at Donelson; 60,000 to secure a victory 
over 40,000 at Pittsburg Landing; 120,000 to enforce the 
retreat of 65,000 entrenched, after a month of fighting and 
maneuvering, at Corinth; 100,000 repelled by 80,000 in the 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 467 

first Peninsular campaio-n ag-ainst Richmond ; 70,000, with a 
powerful naval force to inspire the campaign, which lasted nine 
months, against 40,000 at Vicksburg; 90,000 to barely with- 
stand the assault of 70,000 at Gettysburg; 115,000 sustaining 
a frightful repulse from 60,000 at Fredericksburg; 100,000 
attacked and defeated by 50,000 at Chancellorsville ; 85,000 
held in check two days by 40,000 at Antietam ; 43,000 retaining 
the field uncertainly against 38,000 at Stone River; 70,000 
defeated at Chickamaugua, and beleaguered by 70,000 at 
Chattanooga ; 80,000 merely to break the investing line of 
45,000 at Chattanooga; 100,000 to press back 50,000, increased 
at last to 70,000, from Chattanooga to Atlanta, a distance of 
120 miles, and then let go — an operation which is com- 
memorated at festive reunions by the standing toast of "one 
hundred days under fire" ; 50,000 to defeat the investing line 
of 30,000 at Nashville; and finally 120,000 to overcome 60,000 
with exhaustion after a struggle of a year in Virginia. The 
rule which this summary establishes will determine absolutely 
the relative merit of the different achievements, but is not to 
be ignored in a judgment upon particular events. 

The habits of the Southern people facilitated the formation 
of cavalry corps which were comparatively efficient even with- 
out instruction ; and accordingly we see Stuart, and John 
Morgan, and Forrest riding with impunity around the Union 
armies, and destroying or harassing their communications. 

At Cold Harbor, the Northern troops, who had proven their 
indomitable qualities by losses nearly equal to the whole force 
of their opponents, when ordered to another sacrifice, even 
under such a soldier as Hancock, answered the demand as. one 
man, with a silent and stolid inertia; at Gettysburg, Pickett, 
when waiting for the signal which Longstreet dreaded to 
repeat, for the hopeless but immortal charge against Cemetery 
Hill, saluted and said, as he turned to his ready column: "I 
shall move forward, sir ! " 

General Grant in his Memoirs says : 

After the fall of Petersburg, and when the armies of the 
Potomac and the James were in motion to head off Lee's 
army, the morale of the National troops had greatly improved. 
There was no more straggling, no more rear-guards. The men 



468 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

who in former times had been falling back^ were now, as I have 
already stated, striving to get to the front. 

In the North the press was free up to the point of open 
treason. The citizen could entertain his views and express 
them. Troops were necessary in the Northern States to 
prevent prisoners from the Southern army being released by 
outside force, armed and set at large to destroy by fire our 
Northern cities. * * * -phe copperhead disreputable por- 
tion of the press magnified rebel successes, and belittled those 
of the Union Army. It was, with a large following, an auxiliary 
to the Confederate Army. The North would have been much 
stronger with a hundred thousand of these men in the Con- 
federate ranks and the rest of their kind thoroughly subdued, 
as the Union sentiment was in the South, than we were as 
the battle was fought. 

As I have said, the whole South was a military camp. 
* * * Xhe cause was popular, and was enthusiastically 
supported by the young men. * * * j^ would have been 
an offense, directly after the war, and perhaps it would be now, 
to ask any able-bodied man in the South, who was between the 
ages of fourteen and sixty at any time during the war, whether 
he had been in the Confederate Army. He would assert that 
he had, or account for his absence from the ranks. Under 
such circumstances it is hard to conceive how the North showed 
such a superiority of force in every battle fought. I know 
they did not. 

I commanded the whole of the mighty host engaged on the 
victorious side. I was, no matter whether deservedly so or 
not, a representative of that side of the controversy. 

General Grant says again in his Memoirs : 

During 1862 and '3, John H. Morgan, a partisan officer, of 
no military education, but possessed of courage and endurance, 
operated in the rear of the Army of the Ohio in Kentucky and 
Tennessee. He had no base of supplies to protect, but was at 
home wherever he went. The army operating against the 
South, on the contrary, had to protect its lines of communication 
with the North, from which all supplies had to come to the 
front. Every foot of the road had to be guarded by troops 
stationed at convenient distances apart. These guards could 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 469 

not render assistance beyond the points where stationed. 
Morgan was foot-loose and could operate where his in- 
formation — always correct — led him to believe he could do the 
greatest damage. During the time he was operating in this 
way he killed, wounded, and captured several times the number 
he ever had under his command at any one time. He destroyed 
many millions of property in addition. Places he did not 
attack had to be guarded as if threatened by him. Forrest, 
an abler soldier, operated farther west, and held from the 
National front quite as many men as could be spared for 
offensive operations. It is safe to say that more than half 
the National army was engaged in guarding lines of supplies, 
or were on leave, sick in hospital or on detail which prevented 
their bearing arms. Then, again, large forces were employed 
where no Confederate army confronted them. I deem it safe 
to say that there were no large engagements where the National 
numbers compensated for the advantage of position and en- 
trenchment occupied by the enemy. 

The cause of the war seems to be stated in a few lines fairly 
and candidly by General Grant, and that question is not 
considered in this work. He says : 

The cause of the great War of the Rebellion against the 
United States will have to be attributed to slavery. For some 
years before the war began it was a trite saying among some 
politicians that "A State half slave and half free cannot exist." 
All must become slave or all free, or the State will go down. 
I took no part myself in any such view of the case at the 
time, but since the war is over, reviewing the whole question, 
I have come to the conclusion that the saying is quite true. 

He (Stanton) was an able constitutional lawyer and jurist; 
but the Constitution was not an impediment to him while the 
war lasted. In this latter particular I entirely agree with the 
view he evidently held. The Constitution was not framed 
with a view to any such rebellion as that of 1861-5. While it 
did not authorize rebellion it made no provision against it. 
* * * The Constitution was therefore in abeyance for the 
time being, so far as it in any way affected the progress and 
termination of the war. 



470 



CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 



The enlistments in the Northern armies as reported by the 
Secretary of War were as follows : 



NORTHERN STATES AND TERRITORIES. 

California 15,725 

Colorado 4,903 

Connecticut 51,937 

Dakota 206 

Illinois 255,057 

Indiana 193,748 

Iowa 75,797 

Kansas 18,069 

Maine 64,973 

Massachusetts 122,781 

Michigan 85,479 

Minnesota 23,913 

Nebraska 3,Ij7 

Nevada 1,080 

New Hampshire 32,930 

New Jersey 67,500 

New York 409,561 

Ohio 304,814 

Oregon 1,810 

Pennsylvania 315,017 

Rhode Island 19,251 

Vermont 32,549 

Washington 964 

Wisconsin 91,029 



SOUTHERN STATES. 

Alabama 2,576 

Arkansas 8,289 

Delaware 11,236 

District of Columbia ' 11,912 

Florida .,. . . 1,290 

Georgia 

Kentucky 5^,743 

Louisiana 5,224 

Maryland 33,995 

Mississippi 545 

Missouri 100,616 

New Mexico 6,561 

North Carolina 3,156 

Tennessee 31,092 

Texas 1,965 

Virginia 

West Virginia 31,872 



Total 2,199,081 Total 295,511 



Total in Northern States. 
Total in Southern States. 



Sailors and marines. 
Colored troops 



.2,199,081 
. 295,511 

2,494,592 
. 101,207 

• 178,975 



Grand aggregate 2,774,774 



Of the 2,199,081 white enlisted men from the Northern 
States it is fair, perhaps, to assume that less than half were 
volunteers. The Secretary of War reported on November 
15, 1865, that 800,963 volunteers had been mustered out of 
the service. This number, perhaps, included colored troops. 
The Secretary of War reported on November 22, 1865, that 
Confederate soldiers had been surrendered and released on 
parole, as follows : 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 471 

Army of Northern Virginia, commanded by Gen. R, 

E. Lee 27,805 

Army of Tennessee and others, commanded by Gen. 

Joseph E. Johnston 31,243 

Gen. Jeff. Thompson's Army of Missouri 7,978 

Miscellaneous paroles, Department of Virginia 9,072 

Paroled at Cumberland, Maryland, and other stations. . 9,377 
Paroled by Gen. Edward M. McCook in Alabama and 

Florida 6,428 

Army of the Department of Alabama, Gen. Richard 

Taylor ' 42,293 

Army of the Trans-Mississippi Department, Gen. E. 

Kirby Smith 17,686 

Paroled in the Department of Washington 3,390 

Paroled in Virginia, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, 

and Texas 13,922 

Surrendered at Nashville and Chattanooga, Tennessee, 5,029 



174,223 

The following table, made from official returns, shows 
the whole number of men enrolled (present and absent) in 
the active armies of the Confederacy : 



Army of Northern Virginia 

Dep't of Richmond • 

Dep't of Norfolk 

Dep't of the Peninsula 

Dep't of Fredericksburg 

Dep't of North Carolina 

Dep't of Miss, and E. La 

Dep't of South Carolina and Ga. 

Dep't of Pensacola 

Dep't of New Orleans 

Dep't of the Gulf 

Western Department 

Army of Tennessee 

Dep't of Kentucky 

Dep't of East Tenn 

Dep't of Northwest 

Dep't of Western Virginia 

Trans-Mississippi Department... 
Aggregate 



♦Estimated. 



Jan. I, 
1862. 



84,225 



16,825 
20, 138 
10,645 
13,656 
4,390 
40,955 
18,214 
10,318 



24,784 

39,565 
4,296 



30,000 



318,011 



Jan. I, Jan. i, Jan. i, 
1863. 1864. 1865. 



144,605 
7,820 



40,821 

73,114 
27,052 



10,489 



82,799 
18,768 



10,116 
50,000 



465,584 



92,050 

8,494 



9,876 
46,906 
65,005 



17,241 



88,457 
52,821 



18,642 

73,289 

472,781 



155,772 
16,601 



5,187 
32,148 
53,014 



12,820 



86,995 



7,138 
^70,000 



439,675 



472 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

Very few, if any, of the local land forces, and none of the 
naval, are included in the tabular exhibit. If we take the 
472,000 men in service at the beginning of 1864, and add 
thereto at least 250,000 deaths occurring prior to that date, it 
gives over 700,000. 



CHAPTER XLVII 

Conduct of Southern authorities and soldiers. 

Among the results of the war was the overthrow, ruin 
and humiliation of the people of the South. Their property 
to the amount of two billions of dollars in negroes had been 
sacrificed. Untold millions of property of every description 
had been appropriated or destroyed. Barns, mills, homes, 
towns, and cities had been sacked and burned to ashes. The 
sufferings of women and children and of the aged cannot 
be told. They wandered, penniless and aimless, seeking sub- 
sistence, and shelter from the storms of all seasons and the 
winds of winter. 

And now the surviving soldiers of the prisons and the 
armies, many of them tramping for weeks, reached at last 
the hills or the valleys where their homes had been in years 
gone by. But all was changed. Little was left of the re- 
membered scene save ground and streams and sky. It will 
never be known how many returning war-worn boys have 
exclaimed like Thaddeus of Warsaw, "Oh, God ! give me a 
shelter for my mother." The brave beaten soldiers could 
only sigh while the women and children wept for joy. But 
alas ! how many of the host of the land would never come 
home? Many a mother and many a wife was looking and 
hoping for years for a soldier that never returned. Some 
were in the soldiers' sepulchre where they fell, with the sod 
thrown over the grave ; some in a lonely spot of the woodland 
or field and some far away in the prison grounds of the clime 
of ice and snow ; some under the willows of family grave- 
yards and some in cemeteries the whole country over. 

It was deemed a privilege to be alive in that ill-fated land. 
But in this hour of defeat and desolation there was little of 
reproof or of blame. It was a time of prayer with some and 



474 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

of heart-crying with all. There was one consolation, how- 
ever, in the Southern breast. The warfare of the South 
had been honorable.' It had been heroic. The Confederacy, 
young in years and full of hope, had perished from the earth, 
a star of Bethlehem in its day but a phantom now. 

The archives of the Confederacy have been published and 
there is not an order or a letter inconsistent with the character 
of a chivalrous spirit. Every Confederate general and his 
children may feel secure that the record is to his credit and 
his honor. A number of the Confederate generals, notably 
Robert E, Lee and Thomas J. Jackson, attained to world- 
wide renown as among the greatest generals of any period 
in the world's history and 

"Great not like Caesar stained with blood, 
But only great as they zvere good." 

But in all the list there does not appear to have been a 
Butler, or Sherman, or Grant, or Milroy, or Paine, or Bur- 
bridge, or Sheridan, or Merritt, or Hunter, or McNeil, or 
Pope, or Stanley, or Grierson, or Wilson. There was not a 
Howard or a Fifteenth Army Corps in the history of the 
Confederacy; nor a Burnside, an Edwin M. Stanton, an H. 
W. Halleck, a John A. Dix, and certainly not a Joseph Holt. 
It is the fault of the official record if the facts of history are 
not as they ought to be. 

The authorities of the Confederate States appear, by the 
record, to have exhausted all possible efforts for humane 
and honorable warfare, and at no time to have manifested 
any other disposition. President Davis to General Lee, of 
General Pope's orders in 1862, said: 

We find ourselves driven by our enemies in their steady 
progress toward a practice which we abhor, and which we are 
vainly struggling to avoid. Some of the military authorities 
of the United States seem to suppose that better success will 
attend a savage war in which no quarter is to be given and no 
sex is to be spared than has hitherto been secured by such 
hostilities as are alone recognized to be lawful by civilized men 
in modern times. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 475 

For the present, we renounce our right of retaHation on the 
innocent, and shall continue to treat the private enlisted soldiers 
of General Pope's army as prisoners of war ; but if, after notice 
to the Government at Washington of our confining repressive 
measures to the punishment only of commissioned officers, 
who are willing participants in these crimes, these savage 
practices are continued, we shall reluctantly be forced to the 
last resort of accepting the war on the terms chosen by our 
foes, until the outraged voice of a common humanity forces a 
respect for the recognized rules of war. 

^ ^ >{C ^ >]c ;}c ^ 

You are therefore instructed to communicate to the com- 
mander-in-chief of the armies of the United States the contents 
of this letter. 

In a message to Congress on August 15, 1862, President 
Davis said: 

Rapine and wanton destruction of private property, war upon 
non-combatants, murder of captives, bloody threats to avenge 
the death of an invading soldiery by the slaughter of unarmed 
citizens, orders of banishment against peaceful farmers engaged 
in the cultivation of the soil, are some of the means used 
by our ruthless invaders to enforce the submission of a free 
people to a foreign sway. Confiscation bills, of a character 
so atrocious as to insure, if executed, the utter ruin of the 
entire population of these States, are passed by their Congress 
and approved by their Executive. 



Again, to Congress, in January, 1863, he said: 

It is my painful duty again to inform you of the renewed 
examples of every conceivable atrocity committed by the armed 
forces of the United States at dififerent points within the Con- 
federacy, and which must stamp indelible infamy, not only on 
the perpetrators, but on their superiors, who, having the power 
to check these outrages on humanity, numerous and well 
authenticated as they have been, have not yet in a single 
instance, of which I am aware, inflicted punishment on the 
wrong-doers. Since my last communication to you, one 
General McNeil murdered seven prisoners of war in cold 
blood, and the demand for his punishment remains unsatisfied. 



476 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

The Government of the United States, after promising ex- 
amination and explanation in relation to the charges made 
against Gen. B. F. Butler, has, by its subsequent silence, after 
repeated efforts on my part to obtain some answer on the 
subject, not only admitted his guilt, but sanctioned it by 
acquiescence, * * * Recently I have received apparently 
authentic intelligence of another general by the name of Milroy, 
who has issued orders in West Virginia for the payment of 
money to him by the inhabitants, accompanied by the most 
savage threats of shooting every recusant, besides burning his 
house, and threatening similar atrocities against any of our 
citizens who shall fail to betray their country by giving him 
prompt notice of the approach of any of our forces. And 
this subject has also been submitted to the superior military 
authorities of the United States, with but faint hope that they 
will evince any disapprobation of the act. 



In occupying Maryland General Lee issued a proclama- 
tion, which is somewhat in contrast with the proclamation 
of General Fremont in Missouri, in 1861 : 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

Near Fredericktown, September 8th, 1862. 
To the People of Maryland : 

******* 

Under the pretense of supporting the Constitution, but in 
violation of its most valuable provisions, your citizens have 
been arrested and imprisoned upon no charge, and contrary 
to all forms of law. The faithful and manly protest against 
this outrage, made by the venerable and illustrious Marylander, 
to whom, in better days, no citizen appealed for right in vain, 
was treated with scorn and contempt. The government of your 
chief city has been usurped by armed strangers ; your Legis- 
lature has been dissolved by the unlawful arrest of its members ; 
freedom of the press and of speech have been suppressed ; words 
have been declared offenses by an arbitrary decree of the 
Federal Executive, and citizens ordered to be tried by a military 
commission for what they may dare to speak. 

Believing that the people of Maryland possessed a spirit too 
lofty to submit to such a government, the people of the South 
have long wished to aid you in throwing off this foreign yoke, 
to enable you again to enjoy the inalienable rights of freemen, 
and restore independence and sovereignty to your State. 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 477 

In obedience to this wish, our army has come among you, 
and is prepared to assist you with the power of its arms, in 
regaining the rights of which you have been despoiled. * * * 
No restraint upon your free will is intended — no intimidation 
will be allowed. We know no enemies among you, and will 
protect all, of every opinion. * * * 

R. E. Lee, 
General Commanding. 

General Lee issued an order, in which he said : 

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia, 

Chambersburg, Pa., June 27, 1863. 
General Orders, No. 73. 

The General Commanding considers that no greater disgrace 
could befall the army, and through it, our whole people, than 
the perpetration of the barbarous outrages upon the innocent 
and defenseless, and the wanton destruction of private property, 
that have marked the course of the enemy in our own country. 
Such proceedings not only disgrace the perpetrators, and all 
connected with them, but are subversive of the discipline and 
efficiency of the army, and destructive of the ends of our present 
movements. It must be remembered that we make war only 
upon armed men, and that we cannot take vengeance for the 
wrongs our people have suffered, without lowering ourselves 
in the eyes of all those whose abhorrence has been excited 
by the atrocities of our enemy, and offending against Him to 
whom vengeance belongeth, without whose favor and support 
our efforts must all prove in vain. 

The Commanding General, therefore, earnestly exhorts the 
troops to abstain, with most scrupulous care, from unnecessary 
or wanton injury to private property; and he enjoins upon all 
officers to arrest and bring to summary punishment all who 
shall in any way offend against the orders on this subject. 

' R. E. Lee, 

General. 

General Lee issued an address to his army, after Gettys- 
burg, as follows : 

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia, 

(Hagerstown), July 11, 1863. 

Once more you are called upon to meet the enemy from whom 
you have torn so many fields ; names that will never die. Once 



478 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

more the eyes of your countrymen are turned upon you, and 
again do wives and sisters, fathers and mothers, and helpless 
children lean for defense on your strong arms and brave hearts. 
Let every soldier remember that on his courage and fidelity, 
depends all that makes life worth having, the freedom of his 
country, the honor of his people, and the security of his 
home. * * * 

R. E. Lee, 
General Commanding. 

General Lee issued another address, as follows: 

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia, 

November 26, 1863. 
The enemy is again advancing upon our Capital, and the 
country once more looks to this army for its protection. Under 
the blessings of God your valor has repelled every previous 
attempt, and invoking the continuance of His favor, we cheer- 
fully commit to Him the issue of the coming conflict. 

A cruel enemy seeks to reduce our fathers and our mothers, 
our wives, and our children, to abject slavery; to strip them of 
their property and drive them from their homes. Upon you 
these helpless ones rely to avert these terrible calamities, and 
secure to them the blessing of liberty and safety. Your past 
history gives them the assurance that their trust will not be in 
vain. Let every man remember that all he holds dear depends 
upon the faithful discharge of his duty, and resolve to fight and, 
if need be, to die, in defense of a cause so sacred and worthy 
the name won by this army on so many bloody fields. 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 

Again the cause of the South is stated : 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

January 22, 1864. 
General Orders, No. 7. 

The Commanding General considers it due to the army to 
state that temporary reduction of rations has been caused by 
circumstances beyond the control of those charged with its 
support. Its welfare and comfort are the objects of his 
constant and earnest solicitude, and no effort has been spared 
to provide for its wants. It is hoped that the exertions now 



IN CANADA AND NEW YORK 479 

being made will render the necessity of short duration : but 
the history of the army has shown that the country can require 
no sacrifice too great for its patriotic devotion. 

Soldiers ! you tread, with no unequal steps, the road by 
which your fathers marched through suffering, privation, and 
blood to independence! 

Continue to emulate in the future, as you have in the past, 
their patient endurance of hardships, their high resolve to be 
free, which no trial could shake, no bribe seduce, no danger 
appall: and be assured that the just God, who crowned their 
efforts with success, will, in His own good time, send down 
His blessing upon yours. 

(Signed.) R. E. Lee, 

General. 



The record of General Lee appears to be the record of all 
the Confederate commanders. The survivors, and the de- 
scendants of all who suffered and died in vain for the South, 
need never hang their heads, or whisper to mankind, the 
true story of the battles, or of the Confederate record of 
humanity and honor in the conduct of the conflict for South- 
ern independence. 

The following lines were written by Philip Stanhope 
Wormsley, of Oxford University, England, in the dedication 
of his translation of Homer's Iliad to Gen. Robert E. Lee, 
"The most stainless of earthly commanders, and, except in 
fortune, the greatest." 

The grand old bard that never dies, 
Receive him in our English tongue ; 

I send thee, but with weeping eyes, 
The story that he sung. 

Thy Troy is fallen, thy dear land 
Is marred beneath the spoiler's heel ; 

I cannot trust my trembling hand 
To write the things I feel. 

Ah, realm of tombs ! but let her bear 

This blazon to the end ol time. 
No nation rose so white and fair, 

None fell so pure of crime. 



480 CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS 

The widow's moan, the orphan's wail 

Come round thee — but in truth be strong- 
Eternal right, though all else fail, 
Can never be made wrong. 

An angel's heart, an angel's mouth, 
Not Homer's, could alone for me 

Hymn well the great Confederate South, 
Virarinia first and Lee. 






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